On Wednesday, President Yoweri Museveni went to Parliament to deliver a speech on “defeating challenges of insecurity” in Uganda following a spate of unresolved murders and a general state of insecurity in the country, especially in Kampala recently.
Once at the podium, Museveni turned to a favourite topic of his that those who know him well say is characteristic of him whenever he is under intense panic: the ancient history of the great lakes interlacustrine region.
This topic tends to restore some confidence and a psychological shot in the arm that gives off the impression that he is a man in charge, especially when the pressure he is facing in areas that tend to be his soft under belly.
In this case, Museveni had come to parliament to speak about peace and identity. Speaking about peace seems reasonable given the topic he had come to address parliament about; however, it is when he began to raise questions about his own identity that the Members of Parliament, and even those watching on their television sets at home, wondered what exactly had rattled Museveni.
“I’m not an immigrant from anywhere”:
Museveni spoke for over two hours. Almost an hour of that time was spent lecturing the MPs about the people of the great lakes region in a tone that was rather patronizing. “What you call history I call current affairs. I know because I was there,” he told the MPs, before bragging that he was “unearthing history” for them because “you know about everybody else except yourself.”
If you know Museveni, then the self-indulging isn’t new. However, what was most perplexing was how he kept repeating that he was not “an immigrant from nowhere.” It is as if Museveni had been summoned by Parliament to bring his birth certificate.
And so, to “prove” that he was not a foreigner he turned to “Museveni’s own facts.” He seemed to locate his “heritage” to Mutara, a place he claimed “was part of Mpororo, Nkore, before colonialism.”
Of course, anyone with some knowledge of history immediately sensed that Museveni had unwittingly committed an own goal.
For sure, the confrontation between “Museveni’s Own facts” and the real facts was about to produce the opposite of whatever he had intended to achieve by invoking this story of a time past.
For those who don’t know, Mutara has never been part of Uganda. Not before colonialism (Uganda had yet to come into existence). And certainly not after the formation of Uganda by colonialists.
Rwanda did exist prior to colonial rule. Indeed, no part of contemporary Rwanda has ever been part of any neighbouring country; on the contrary, during colonialism Rwanda lost territories to present day Uganda (parts of Kigezi, Ntungamo, Igara rya Ruhinda that was later named Nkore) and in North and South Kivu in the DRC.
The place that Museveni is referring to was – and still is – Mutara. However, prior to colonial rule, Mutara was referred to as “Umutara w’Indorwa” meaning that it was part of the area that was known as Ndorwa, in Rwanda. In fact, Mutara still exists today. Again, in Rwanda.
Unlike Museveni’s “own facts”, Mpororo was, and remained, part of Rwanda decades after the Berlin Conference and for much of this period the Bahororo (who are of Banyarwanda extraction – the clans of Abagina, Abashambo, Abagahe, etc – have their relatives in Mutara, Rwanda) were identified as Banyarwada, hence the proverb among their Nkore neighbours that goes something like, “ko ocumita Omuhororo oyita omunyarwanda” which loosely translates into “if you kill a Muhororo, you will be in conflict with a Munyarwanda.”
If Museveni says that he is from Mutara and Mutara has never been part of Uganda, then this might explain why the gentleman protests too much about his identity.
At any rate, Museveni didn’t need to invent facts that shift the territory of Mutara to Uganda to qualify as a Ugandan. After this Banyarwanda “heritage” is recognized under the 1995 constitution as citizens of Uganda. Moreover, his continued distortion of facts and history will only serve to invite the real facts from those who believe the truth matters and that it will set him free from what is clearly an identity crisis.
In other words, it’s high time that the two ‘contending lines of thinking’ between Museveni’s own facts and the real facts will have to ‘resolve itself.’
No longer at peace:
The other subject that Museveni belabours in his speech is on peace. Museveni is known to talk down Ugandans that until he came to the scene they had never had a taste of peace. He never misses an opportunity to remind them that since he took power they are able to have a good night sleep.
Here, at Parliament, was a man whose claim to fame was that he brought sleep having to deal with the reality before him that the purpose of his visit there (at Parliament) was to acknowledge to the same people of Uganda that he had run out of peace.
Like the story where Museveni was convincing himself that he was not an immigrant from anywhere, here he was convincing himself that Uganda was at peace and secure “from corner to corner.”
Yet another gem of his “own facts” that are in contrast with reality. Again, in his own universe with its own unique facts.
Indeed, anyone following the speech must have come to the conclusion that what psychologists call cognitive dissonance was no longer adequate a description of what was unravelling.
Even as Museveni turned to his own facts in the frantic declaration “I am standing here authoritatively,” it was visibly clear to all that the life president was in dire need of a life jacket. In the same bible that Museveni quoted at Parliament says, “Let those with ears hear” and for Museveni the voices he keeps hearing in his head that are prompting concerns about his own identity are a Swan Song along the tune, “We wawo omusajja yatuletela emilembe. Naye kati jiliwa?
There are few worse things than being falsely accused. I remember listening to a lady on the radio describe that she cannot read any book where anyone is being falsely accused of a crime. It upsets her too much. The fact that Gen. Kale Kayihura is being accused of the murder of the late AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi is the perfect example of a man being crucified. What happened to all the people at Kaweesi’s eulogy who thanked Kayihura for spotting and nurturing Kaweesi’s talent to rise up the ranks as he did? Why can’t you, and all of Uganda who watched Kayihura trust and rely on Kaweesi more than anyone use any rationale and come forward to stop this clear witch hunt? What happened to the speeches at the vigil in Kaweesi’s home where all of you thanked Kayihura for promoting and seeing the potential in Kaweesi? For being more than a boss and a mentor? For being his friend and an inspiration?
There were rumors of a new appointment for Kayihura in July, and following his meeting with the President in May, the forces against him decided to act quickly using fabricated evidence before he was back in Government. They could not pin anything against a man who has been incorruptible. There were no deals, no wealth, no assets – nothing to pin him down. So these forces resorted to lies.
I was stunned to find out that Kayihura is, in fact, not wealthy at all – especially compared to all senior Government officials. Even compared to many Government officials below him. Ask any international partners with the Police, some who even nicknamed him Inspector General of the People, realizing he was different from the rest. He was never after any amassing of wealth, and thus was a threat. His incorruptibility and integrity made him the biggest threat to anyone who needed to make the President more vulnerable.
But what control do you have when all your support is in the poor masses? And all that has sustained Kayihura in the past, and now, is good will from those who know him, and understand that the witch hunt has used a successful campaign of character assassination for the past few years.
Even as IGP, Kayihura suffered in the last few years working with security agencies. ISO, CMI and CID are filled with his enemies, and now that he’s gone – they’ve side-lined the people who chose work over politics. I wonder if this hatred is based on tribalism – do people hate Bafumbira because of their cultural connection to Banyarwanda? I believe it’s more than that in the case of Kale Kayihura – I believe they feared that they have nothing against him; and over the years decided to falsify things about him to damage his reputation and public image. So that when these charges came, people would not dismiss them so easily.
I once asked someone who interacted with the General why he doesn’t fight back against the media. He said that Kayihura doesn’t have the desire or money to pay them to counter the stories with the truth. He also said Kayihura believes in the inherent good of people, and that all lies blow over. He believed that by working consistently – they would eventually leave him alone.
But Kayihura was wrong in believing in the good in people. He should have believed in the desperation in people. Anyone can see that his entire image of working to build a powerful and strong Police force, that has never had more Police officers, more infrastructure, and more equipment has been completely tarnished and ignored over this need to focus on his individual. Which is wrongfully portrayed.
So far, the forces against him have succeeded but in many ways, they haven’t since Kayihura made himself available to the masses who know him. They know who he is, and anyone that meets this man knows for certain that the last thing he could ever be is a criminal of any sort.
The fact that Kayihura can’t be bought also led to enemies on the other side of the border in Rwanda. He consistently refused to be compromised or coerced to hasten any lawful procedures. Even the handover of a prominent Rwandan refugee to the Rwandan Government some 4 years ago occurred when Kayihura was out of the country. The officer in charge was promptly dismissed, only to be brought back quite recently, after taking responsibility and with permission from the President. He was a good officer who the Police couldn’t afford to lose.
Kayihura was not loyal to NRM, he is loyal to the President, and that vision that drove him to leave a lectureship persuaded by his Professors at the London School of Economics after he finished his LLM. He in fact pleaded with a friend at the time to help him pick up a gun and join the NRA in 1983.
Kayihura was not desperate. He did not need to fight because he had no options – he wanted to. It was pure conviction. And as such, he was never desperate for a job. When one is full of idealism as he – it is hard to think that enemies abound and are constantly plotting. He believed in truth, and that idealism has hurt him greatly. Especially now.
Not only are they discrediting him in the eyes of the public (lies of exorbitant amounts of wealth – when he does not own any home in Kampala, or any finished home anywhere), but also in the eyes his contemporaries (being stopped at the airport, being sick). Kayihura unfortunately believed that all this would go away. He especially believed so after his removal, and had just gotten into the groove of being a farmer and serving his community in Kashagama, Lyantonde. He insisted on using his own funds to get the cleanest underground water through a tap for all in the community to make use of, not just himself.
How can someone so generous and so of the people be made out to be a killer? This really baffles me – that Ugandans could persecute a genuine and possibly the best public servant. Yet they consistently complain that there are none to be found.
Out of respect for the President and the Government, Kayihura chose not to go to Kisoro after his removal. Kisoro was angry with the President, and he did not want to go home knowing how it might look if his people might gather at his home. The people of Kisoro know what it is like to be maligned as Bafumbira. They are a small district, seen as unimpressive and even unknown to many Ugandans, but they inhabit this country like any other citizen. Even Kayihura himself, a whole General and Senior official was despised by his fellow Westerners who are said to have insulted his identity on numerous occasions. Including the security agencies he worked with. Even in the same region, people harbour ethnic hatred and misguided superiority over another.
Uganda has reached a new low. The media has reached a new low. I know the economy is bad and everyone needs a pay out, every one has bills to pay. But I implore you journalists who have been paid to write malicious and untrue things over the last three years: you are the ones who made Kayihura become this falsified larger-than-life figure he never wanted a part of. Come forward. Tell the truth. Do not leave your conscience tainted by the crucifixion of an innocent man – one whose unjust demonization you have greatly contributed to.
The witch hunt began in 2015, and seems to have gathered steam from everyone who feels wronged by him. Director CID Grace Akullo even once said he wanted to kill her – she was hostile and insubordinate towards him during his entire tenure. He left it at that, knowing when to pick his battles. She refused to participate and cooperated grudgingly. Wherever her information came from, it worked for the forces against Kayihura who seem to have since recruited her.
One wonders why DG ISO Kaka Bagyenda is even a part of this team against Kayihura, when Kayihura was allegedly asked to help when Kaka’s son last year was faced with killing his girlfriend. Kayihura obliged of course, feeling comraderie in such a tragic time for Bagyenda.
CMI, whose leads the entire 2017 consisted of strong evidence against ADF for killing Kaweesi, including traced calls. How could they suddenly change their tune? In the middle of prosecution? CMI’s key people, like a certain Tumukunde before and a certain Abel Kandiho now have peddled untrue reports to the President and the media about Kayihura. Including some about Presidential ambitions.
Whatever these people have against Kayihura now, to pin him on Kaweesi’s death is no evidence. Maybe they decided to pursue this case to create media furore and frenzy; and damage the man’s name for their own personal and misguided grudges, beliefs, and deep-rooted hatred for Bafumbira and Ugandan Banyarwanda, whose only home is Uganda.
I want to end with this: how does anyone come out of this with the same idealism for Uganda? When instead of persecuting clearly corrupt and reprehensible individuals – Uganda harbours and saves them.
Uganda has killed the spirit of a person who loved the country more than himself, and sacrificed his life, his family, and now his name for it. I have washed my hands of this crucifixion publically with this writing. I hope you find the courage to do so as well, in whatever way you can.
Bring peace to the Kaweesi family. Stop sitting on the clear evidence of ADF’s direct involvement in this, and leave Kayihura and all the officers who served him alone. It is a disgrace to keep bringing up their trauma for your own trumped up and malicious agendas. To use Kaweesi’s death in this manner – and persecute a man he so admired and loved – is the crime here. That is the only crime here.
Source: The Standard Digital
Several reports in broadcast and print media have said former Uganda Police Chief, Gen. Kale Kayihura at first was a good officer and a gentleman. The reports claim Kayihura’s problems only began when Museveni brought him close, promoted him and made him inspector general of police. The moment that happened, say Kampala analysts, the stage was set for the general’s eventual downfall.
Museveni would use him in all his plots, evil or otherwise, and that would attract the jealousy of some Ugandans of the powerful Bahima ethnicity. Kale Kayihura therefore could have fallen afoul of President Museveni for reasons that have nothing to do with allegations against him of “planning to cause insecurity.”
There is an intense succession struggle behind the scenes, with prominent members of Museveni’s Bahima that are determined to keep power within themselves “for eternity”. Someone like Kayihura who is “an outsider”, a member of the Bafumbira people of the Kisoro region was in trouble from the word go.
It is an open secret in Uganda that senior Bahima have been undermining other people and Kayihura only is the latest high-profile victim. If Kayihura was trying to do a good job, someone like his former boss, Minister for Security Henry Tumukunde, a senior Muhima, was not going to allow it. It got to the extent that the wrangles were spilling out in public.
“The head of Police, and the Minister for Security General Henry Tumukunde are busy fighting, to show who has more power and control,” said MP Winnie Kiiza, the leader of the opposition in Uganda’s parliament. The Kasese woman Member of Parliament was commenting on the spate of security incidents cropping up all over Uganda as a result of Kayihura not being left alone to do his appointed duties.
As Museveni grows weaker and loses control “the big beasts are circling in,” commented a Ugandan analyst. “And none of the beasts are bigger than the Bahima, they are in charge of the jungle!” added the astute analyst.
According to George Orwell in Animal Farm, some animals in the famous fable took to saying they were “more equal” than others. It had begun with the animals liberating themselves from oppressive humans. But as time went on, the poor animals realized the oppressor was the pigs, and the pigs no longer saw themselves as equal to the other creatures.
Nothing can be more analogous about the Ugandan situation today than that fable.
Mr. Museveni no doubt has created that tribal situation whereby his ethnicity has developed a sense of entitlement that power, and there control of national resources is theirs, with all the country’s other peoples battling for crumbs.
While commenting on the chaotic security situation in Kampala on Thursday Gen. Yoweri Museveni said that the insecurity in the country is caused by pigs. “Pigs don’t appreciate value, you’d rather give it to the worms. But we’ve dealt with pigs before and these ones are very small. By the end of the day, all those involved will be exposed and crushed, we shall crush them,” Museveni said. When Museveni is not blaming pigs, his lieutenants in the security and intelligence organs place blame on Rwanda. In both cases, the aim is to conceal the internal weaknesses that have been piling up mostly due to the fact that Ugandans are fed up of the present leadership and tried to demonstrate it during the constitutional amendment consultations to remove the age limit for the president.
At some point this exercise was stopped because it was clear to all that Ugandans wanted to bring an end to the problems of governance that they face and the insecurity that comes from it.
Eventually the amendment was shovelled down the throats of Ugandans and Museveni stayed in power against the wish. Secondly, the internal weaknesses have over the years been accelerated by what is now the cancer of corruption that Ugandans have given up any hope that it can be solved as long as Museveni is president. Third, and significantly, the security forces have been operating from an environment without political legitimacy and supporting a president who has been rejected by the vast majority of Ugandans. Fourth, Museveni has actively nurtured the confusion in the security organs. When General Kale Kayihura was arrested the Daily Monitor asked prominent people in Ugandan society for comment. Almost all of them placed the blame squarely where it should be: on Museveni’s head.
However, what Semujju Ibrahim Nganda said was fascinating, “There is in-fighting in the armed forces; each one is accusing the other and it is playing into the vulnerability of the President. We had a time when it was Gen Salim Saleh fighting Gen Tumiwne, Gen Tinyefuza fighting Gen Kazini, Ahmed Kashilingi, Kyaligonza. That time, the President was strong, but today he is not as strong as he was when he used to be the arbiter, which he cannot do anymore. That is why in Zimbabwe, when the generals saw that President Robert Mugabe was failing to control, they had to take over to ensure stability of the country. Gen Kayihura was celebrating when Gen Tinyefuza was arrested; and don’t be surprised when those who have arrested him today are also arrested in future.” In other words, Musevenip has always sowed chaos and rivalry in the security organs and considers the chaos as a weapon he uses to pit officers against one another. Once the competition and negative solidarity he has helped to create goes astray he calls the losing side all kinds of names including the derogatory term of “pigs.” In all of it, he fails to take responsibility that he has reared the pigs.
Also worth pointing out is that the “winning side” gets to find a scapegoat for the troubles that Museveni has helped to create. Most of the time the scapegoat is Rwanda. For as long as the internal weaknesses have been piling up in Uganda the excuse has been that they are of the doing of the Rwandan leadership. This excuse has helped Museveni to conceal his failures and to mistreat his own officers after he has used and dumped them. Extremely talented young officers like Brigadier Noble Mayombo and most recently Andrew Kaweesi have lost their lives and a promising future at the service of their country robbed through Museveni’s games. Like Hon. Semujju says, this time Museveni’s regime is so weak that he is unable to control how far the consequences of his little hobby can go. As a result, ordinary Ugandans are now facing an insecurity that is all at the doing of one man who is always blaming everyone else but himself and the responsibility he bears for raising the pigs that he is now so eager to denounce when he is the real pig.
Source: The Standard Digital Media
It is impossible to understand why Ugandan authorities have persistently blamed Rwanda for their internal problems. For decades Uganda has tried to bully Rwanda and try to make it subservient. However, it beats the mind why it insists on this course of action that has no direct benefits for the country.
Rwanda’s refusal to accept Uganda’s subservience exposed it to all kinds of destabilization efforts that most recently include providing logistical support to Rwanda National Congress terrorist organization that is headed by the renegade General Kayumba Nyamwasa, which has openly declared war against Rwanda.
In addition to supporting groups that seek to destabilize Rwanda, the pattern over the years has been for Uganda’s intelligence organs to peddle lies that paint the leadership of Rwanda in negative light using websites, blogs, and bogus social media accounts that have been especially created for this purpose.
In those publications Rwanda is portrayed as a bad neighbor when in fact it is Uganda that keeps this provocation and hostile behavior towards it’s neighbor.
On it’s part Rwanda has refused to be dragged into the internal affairs of Uganda even if it’s being used as a scapegoat, including when innocent Rwandan nationals have been arrested and tortured on flimsy accusations of being spies.
Rwanda refuses to be dragged into Uganda’s internal affairs because it doesn’t see any benefits from such a move and wishes that soon Uganda’s leadership will realize that positive relations serve the best interests of the two countries whose citizens share deep historical ties.
Read: OPINION: ABIRIGA WAS KILLED TO COVER UP FOR KAWEESI’S KILLERS
Analysts who have tried to understand the behavior of Uganda’s leadership towards Rwanda say that it is motivated by jealousy and that they would be fine if Rwanda was making progress through subservience to Uganda.
Indeed, the experts say that by rejecting to be subservient to Uganda and combining it with tremendous socioeconomic success, “this eats the leadership of Uganda to the core and Museveni simply can’t accept this reality.”
Kampala is in a state of anxiety with panic spreading all over the city following the recent assassination of Member of Parliament Ibrahim Abiriga.
A crackdown against opposition figures, senior security officials, and members of civil society is in full gear all due to self-inflicted causes.
This round of panic began when the Special Forces Command (SFC) tried to manufacture a diversion from information that was circulating in Kampala that the SFC had assassinated AIGP Andrew Kaweesi, which it tried to solve by assassinating another high profile personality, MP Ibrahim Abiriga.
When the people of West Nile rose to demand answers for the true killers of their son and held demonstrations against Museveni, they hatched up another diversion, to arrest former IGP Kale Kayihura.
Gen. Kayihura’s arrest has worked to silence the people of West Nile. In fact, not a single newspaper in Uganda is carrying their demands to have Museveni explain who had killed their son.
Now, Museveni has been saved from the trouble of having to explain the assassinations of Kaweesi and Abiriga.
Hajj Abdul Naduli has denounced these tactics whose main cause is the “fights between Museveni Generals.”
Hajj Naduli represents the views of most Ugandans who are fed up with the diversions. Most Ugandans are tired of the scapegoating that tries to place blame for the failures elsewhere and are now openly calling for Museveni to just go.
At the height of age-limit debate Gen. Museveni and his intelligence organs would try to defuse tensions from the people’s frustration with the regime by claiming that their security forces, particularly the police, had been infiltrated and that it was being used to destabilize Uganda.
A scapegoat was found for an internal problem of political transition and debate.
The intelligence organs even went as far as partnering with the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) to arrest and torture innocent Rwandans visiting Uganda who they accused of being spies. Some of these innocent Rwandans remain in detention today.
Even the present panic in Kampala that forced the security forces to an impromptu meeting is self-inflicted. It came from a simple demand from the people of West Nile towards Museveni: they want to know who killed their son.
No one is willing to tell them the truth. That their son (and Kazini, Mayombo, Aronda, and Kaweesi) was killed in a little game Museveni likes to play every once in a while in order to keep power.
umugabo wakunze inkumi muri rusange aba afite uburyo bubiri bwihariye yitwara, usibye gusa kuba ari mubuzima busanzwe aba atekerezako yatse urukundo kandi yarwemerewe rero aritwararika cyane kugirango atagira icyo akora ntikinezeze umukunzi we bityo akaba akomye rutenderi, akora kandi ukwashoboye kugirango agaragare neza imbere y'umukunzi we.
1. Agushyira muri gahunda ze z'ejo hazaza.
Uyu muhungu ahora yihatira gukora ibikorwa bibafitiye mwembi ejo hazaza akamaro. Niyo ntacyo murageraho, wumva mu nzozi ze harimo kuzabana na we ubuzima bwe bwose.
2. Kumva ibinezaneza igihe muri kumwe cg agutekereje
Umuhungu ugukunda niyo yaba ababaye, iyo akubonye kubera ko uba uri umuntu w'agaciro imbere ye no mu buzima bwe, aba yumva agiye kugutura agahinda ke akaruhuka kuko aba yizeye ko umutwaro afite ugiye kuwumwakira. Ni kimwe n'iyo yishimye, ahora yumva ashaka kugusangiza ibyishimo bye bya buri munsi ndetse bya buri mwanya.
3. Kugucira bugufi yagukorera ikosa akagira ishyaka ryo kugusaba imbabazi
uyu musore ababazwa no gukorera ikosa iryo ariryo ryose umukunzi we, bigatuma agira ishyaka ryo kugusaba imbabazi vuba kandi aciye bugufi, n'igihe ari wowe kandi wamukoshereje, iyo umusabye imbabazi ubikuye ku mutima arakumva akaziguha kandi akakugira n'inama ku buryo wazajya wirinda amakosa.
4. Kuguha impano
akuzirikana muri byose ndetse akanezezwa no kuguha impano zisanzwe zidahanitse kandi n'igihe runaka kitateguwe, nta mpamvu aziguhereye, nta kintu kidasanzwe wabaye. Izi mpano si izihanitse kuko akantu kose uhawe n'uwo ukunda kandi nawe agukunda wumva ari impano.
5. Gukunda kukwitegereza.
Umuhungu ugukunda uzasanga akunda kukureba, aguhozaho ijisho, akantu kose ukoze niyo waba uzi ko atakubonye uzisanga yakubonye kare kandi neza, niho nusitara gahoro cyane uzumva yakubwiye ngo komera, niwitsamura cyangwa ukajya kwitsamura bikanga azahita akubwira ngo urakire, nimuvugana utishimye utari wabimubwira uzumva ahise akubaza ngo wabaye iki cyangwa ngo uravuga nk'utameze neza.
akwisanzuraho kugeza ubwo akubwira amateka y'ubuzima bwe atandukanye ndetse akihatira kukubaza amateka yawe yose, uzasanga ashaka kumenyana n'abo mu muryango wawe, amateka yawe ya kera. Ibyo uzamubwira waciyemo bibabaje uzajya wumva bimubabaje n'ubwo byashize azajya akwihanganisha kandi ubyumve ko abikuye ku mutima koko.
7. Kukwemera uko uri kose
.Umuhungu wagukunze akagera n'igihe agusaba urukundo ni uko uba waramunyuze mu by'ukuri. Igihe rero muzamarana igihe kirekire mukundana agakomeza kukubwira ko umunyura, akwishimira kandi agakomeza kukubaha nk'uko byatangiye. Abakundana bemerana ingeso buri umwe afite iyo ntacyo zibangamiraho urukundo rwabo, ariko nabwo abakundana barafashanya mu buryo butandukanye harimo gutozanya imico myiza no kwigishanya kureka utugeso tumwe na tumwe tubangamira ubuzima bwa buri munsi bakatureka.
8. Kukugirira ishema.
Umuhungu ugukunda aterwa ishema na we, niho uzabona igihe mugendana agufata akaboko, ari nk'umurinzi wawe. Iki ni kimwe mu bimenyetso by'ingenzi bikoreshwa igihe abakundana bari kugendana. Iyo umuhungu agukunda aba yumva yanabyereka buri wese ko mukundana, aba yumva nta banga ririmo ko mukundana kuburyo abayumva n isi yose yabimenya.
9. yirinda kukubwira amagambo y ibitangaza
hari abahungu bafite akarimi karyoshya ryoshya,Ntibyoroha kwirengagiza amagambo aryoheye amatwi ariko ayo magambo akenshi aba yuzuye uburyarya kuko uyabwirwa aba yumva yuzuye ibitangaza byakataraboneka, umukobwa utareba kure yumva abonye ibyo yarakeneye. naho umukobwa ureba kure aba yamuvumbuye kera akenshi ntiyirirwa anayatega amatwi abameze nkababandi bambwira vuba wigendere. Hari abahungu benshi bigarurira abakobwa bakoresheje utugambo turyoshye kandi mu mitima yabo bafite izindi nyungu bagendereye bashaka kugeraho zitandukaye n'urukundo rw'ukuri. Uyu we rero arabyirinda kuko nawe azineza ko bene abo bateye gutyo babaho kandi atariko ameze.
Inama : Murukali.com turagufasha kwita k'umukunzi wawe, nk'igihe uguze impano runaka tukayimukugerezaho. urg: Indabo n' ikarita y'urukundo.
Tubafitiye kandi iduka ririmo impano zitandukanye waha umukunzi wawe. riherereye munyubako ya DownTown L4-29
The recent assassination of Member of Parliament Ibrahim Abiriga did not only instill fear but also worsened an already fragile security situation in Kampala. His death comes at the heels of a spate of killings involving rampage kidnapping, rape and systematic murder of innocent girls.
Indeed, many observers believe that the killers exploited this security situation to mount a targeted assassination whose real intention was to divert the public from information that was circulating that the Special Forces Command (SFC) was responsible for the death of AIGP Andrew Kaweesi.
CLOCKWISE: Late General Aronda Nyakairima, AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi, Brigadier General Nobel Mayomboand Col (Rtd) MP Ibrahim Abiriga.
Now fear has engulfed Kampala. General Museveni tried to calm down the panic that most people, especially those in Arua, believe is of his own creation, which elicited anger that engulfed the entire town through demonstrations that targeted everything in the colour yellow.
This prompted heavy deployment of armed military personnel to counter the anger that Museveni was likely to be greeted with at Abiriga’s burial. Without such heavy deployment Museveni was not going to go anywhere near Arua. The people had been loud and clear that they were tired of his manipulation that often ends with the killing of innocent people he used and disposes of in the cruelest manner.
Gen Museveni during Col (Rtd) Abiriga’s buria in Arua.
During his eulogy for his most loyal MP, Gen. Museveni tried to blame the opposition, accusing them of using foul tactics that include assassinations.
Museveni said that Abiriga had been targeted because he was effective in the campaign to remove the presidential term limits, the hinted that he would also retaliate in equal measure – by cracking down against the opposition.
And now from the look of things, Gen. Museveni is making good use of his promise. Uganda’s Capital FM reported this morning that the arrest of opposition politician Betty Namboze might take place any time from now. Chimpreports also reported that the UPDF was hunting down another opposition MP, Kaps Fungaroo.
Gen Museveni pays his last respect to the late AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi.
Clearly such threats are meant to cow the opposition from speaking about Abiriga’s assassination. Similarly, Museveni threatened Ugandans on social media and threatened to come after them.
Moreover, the way Museveni is trying to silence everyone from speaking about Abiriga’s killing is eerily similar to how he handled Kaweesi’s murder. A crackdown on the opposition – including assassinating them – and shutting down social media are likely to be as effective in silencing those who want to know the killers of Abiriga as it was in silencing those who tried to reveal who murdered Anderew Kaweesi.
The veteran journalist Timothy Kalyegira immediately commented on twitter that, “Just as Abiriga seemed to be acting the clown as a cover-up, Museveni’s lashing out at the ‘idiots’ and ‘fools’ who killed Abiriga sounds like a man not telling us the whole story. Something, in other words, doesn’t add up.”
Gen Museveni pays his last respect to the late Gen Aronda Nyakairima. (Photo: Daily Monitor)
After Museveni threatened the opposition with murder his top security officials gathered at Serena Hotel to lay a strategy to implement the wishes of their boss. It doesn’t require a high IQ to see that tough times are ahead for the opposition, with Nambooze and Fungaroo being the first targets with more to follow.
General Museveni thinks that he is at war, “Nobody will start a war with NRM and win. You will lose… If there’s war you fight,” he said in his eulogy at Abiriga’s funeral.
Gen Museveni pays his last respect to the late Gen Garanga.
And during war, people die:
1. James Waphakabulo
2. Francis Ayume
3. Gen. James Kazini
4. Brig. Noble Mayombo
5. John Garang
6. Gen. Aronda Nyakairima
7. AIGP Andrew Kaweesi
8. Col. Ibrahim Abiriga
9. Col. Muzoora
10. Maj Muhamed Kigundu
11. Joan Kagezi
And the list goes on ——-
Ugandan Member of Parliament, Ibrahim Abiriga, was assassinated on Friday evening in a gruesome manner that has the hallmarks of AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi. The lawmaker’s assassination came at a time when information about who the killers of Kaweesi are becoming an open secret amongst the public in Kampala.
This website has been reporting updates on this story including the revelation by different crime investigation experts who unanimously say that the Special Force Command (SFC) assassinated Kaweesi. Immediately after the publication, President Museveni blamed Kaweesi’s murder on the ADF rebels.
The question is, why kill Abiriga and why now? President Museveni called the murderers idiots and ordered security agencies to find the killers who he said are part of “urban criminality.” Astonishingly, even before investigations he has ordered begin Gen Museveni seems to already know who the killers are! Gen Museveni’s characteristic of assassinations as due to urban criminality is suggestive that he knows who the killers are and that the investigation into the murder of Abiriga is likely to end in a similar way as that of Kaweesi.
In both cases the killers are known. They are security agencies, the same organs that Gen Museveni is pleading with to conduct the investigation. What is clear is that the same precision that was used to eliminate Kaweesi was used to remove Abiriga. Back to the question, why would Gen Museveni kill his loyal servant, a man who was not a political threat to anyone? Abiriga’s flashy popularity made him the perfect target in efforts to conceal what had become an open secret. Someone popular enough to garner public attention and also someone perceived to be loyal to Gen Museveni in order to place the blame elsewhere. Enter the yellow man and his yellow Beetle.
Abiriga was the perfect diversion. Kill him in similar fashion as Kaweesi, mislead the public from closing on who killed Kaweesi, and do it in a way that suggests a motive of “senseless urban killings” that are carried out by “idiots.” Both Kaweesi and Abiriga were hyper loyal towards Gen Museveni. It seems President Museveni has his way of rewarding loyalty that goes all the way back to Brigadier Noble Mayombo and most recently General Aronda Nyakairima. Once the public starts to close in on Abiriga’s killers someone else among President Museveni’s most loyal servants will be gunned down to conceal that information from spilling into the public. And the cycle will continue. Only Gen Museveni is safe.
Source: The Standard Digital
On March 17 2017 Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIGP) Andrew Kaweesi was brutally assassinated alongside his driver Godfrey Wambewo and body guard Keneth Erau at Kulambiro, a Kampala suburb, after 27 bullets were fired in his body. It’s more than a year now since Kaweesi, a 43 year old promising and highly ambitious officer, succumbed to death.
There has been a lot of interest in the circumstances around his death; however, investigators are yet to identify the true killers. Some suspects were arrested days following his death but sources indicate that much of the initial arrests were meant to dupe the public that something was being done about Kaweesi’s murder. As a result, the only information that has been obtained thus far is at best circumstantial and not very helpful for prosecution purposes.
Similarly, initial information pointing to ADF rebels as being behind the killings also led to the arrests of some suspects. However, this line of investigations also yielded nothing. It turned out the ADF had nothing to do with Kaweesi’s murder and it appears the rebel group was invoked to mislead the public into thinking that the shooting were a result of terrorism.
Most importantly, the efforts that were placed in concealing the identity of the true killers, misleading the investigators and the public, including forcing innocent people to confess, have led criminal intelligence analysts to come to one conclusion: Kaweesi’s murder is the work of the state of Uganda.
Specifically, investigators have confirmed from the cartridges collected at the scene and pock marks left on the car that the weapons used to assassinate Kaweesi were the type of M4 guns which are a preserve of the specialised units such as the Special Forces Command (SFC).
Moreover, the description of events by sources who were present at the scene of the crime points to this kind of expertise as well as a level of calmness and confidence that was exhibited by the killers that serves to underscore that indeed this was a state-sanctioned mission. Indeed, the precision and efficiency employed in executing it suggests that these were experts at work.
It is also worth recalling that Kaweesi was murdered near his home, about 600 metres in a trading centre. These killers were unconcerned with the presence of people ready to identify them to the authorities. They understood very well that they were the authorities, especially since the killers were from the unit that is tasked with protecting the highest authority in the country and his regime.
The only time the investigations have pointed to the authorities as the killers, they have done so also in ways that mislead the public. Instead of corroborating the story of witnesses to the crime whose description depicts the killers to be the SFC, they have on numerous occasions come up with concocted scenarios that accuse the Uganda Police (UPF) of orchestrating Kaweesi’s murder, knowing very well that the UPF lacks the kinds of armed sophistication and weaponry that was described by witnesses.
Kaweesi was a well-liked officer even though he came to the limelight during Walk to Work when he is credited with the kind of loyalty that probably saved the regime from a concerted effort to remove him that had the entire Kampala city gripped in revolutionary spirit like the kind that was seen during the Arab Spring. Indeed, many believe that the leadership in Uganda owes Kaweesi big time for nipping in the bud the people’s coup.
What, therefore, has everyone including crime intelligence specialists puzzled is exactly why did the leadership in Uganda find it necessary to eliminate Kaweesi, a loyal, hardworking, highly educated, disciplined and hardworking officer, in such a gruesome and cold-blooded manner?
Almost all analysis seems to point to one conclusion, which is related to Kaweesi’s success rapid promotion through the ranks. He was a very capable and principled police officer whose personality rendered him to public fame across all sections of Ugandan society. Consequently, he was increasingly seen as a threat in the same way that the effectiveness of officers like General Aromda Nyakairima and Brigadier General Noble Mayombo made them targets for assassination.
Uganda’s intelligence organs have persistently continued to peddle lies against Rwanda despite efforts by the top leadership of both countries to normalize ties.
A series of propaganda stories by the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) seeking to portray Rwanda as a bad neighbor keen on wreaking havoc against Uganda were published in CMI-planted blogs.
One of the malicious pieces titled “Kayihura wanted to meet Rwanda’s DMI chiefs in Turkey” claims that Kigali has close ties with the former Chief of Uganda’s Police, Gen. Kale Kayihura to the extent of trying to hold meetings between him and Rwandan officials in foreign lands.
What such articles demonstrate is the continued internal wrangling within Uganda’s security apparatus. Trying to drag Rwanda in these wrangles must be treated with the contempt they deserve.
Even if it’s propaganda, there should be at least minimum effort to report stories that are believable. It seems as long as the target is Rwanda all these basics are tossed out of the window.
Almost all stores try to paint Kayihura as a stooge of the Rwandan government. Almost all of them emerged at the time it was revealed that CMI was actively collaborating with the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), a terror under the leadership of the fugitive Kayumba Nyamwasa.
It should be recalled that since last year Brig. Gen Kandiho of CMI and Security Minister Henry Tumukunde led an onslaught against Kigali by planting malicious stories in the media in order to hoodwink the public from activities that included recruiting rebels on behalf of the RNC, mainly in refugee camps that are hosting Rwandans inside Uganda.
It was revealed that the duo had been working closely with RNC mobilisers to harass, arrest, and torture innocent Rwandans visiting Uganda on private business.
Last year Kandiho and Tumukunde were embarrassed when a group of their recruits, 43 young men destined for rebel activities in DRC, were intercepted at the Kikagati border post in Uganda.
Most of the RNC mobilizers continue to enjoy the protection of CMI. Therefore it is not surprising that there’s a renewed wave of malicious propaganda targeting Rwanda and clearly undermining the progress that was being made to restore good relations between Uganda and Rwanda.
Observers agree that the renewed negative propaganda being peddled by CMI signals continuation of arrests and intimidation of innocent Rwandans living in Uganda