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Today — June 17th 2019Politics

A grossly misleading headline in Uganda’s state newspaper

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

The New Vision newspaper, which has morphed into the leading anti-Rwanda publication in the region, yesterday Sunday 16, published a story with a completely misleading headline. “Trader narrates Rwanda ordeal”, said the paper.

The “trader” The New Vision was talking about is none other than Emmanuel Sebuzuru, the (Uganda) Horizon Bus Company manager in Kisoro whom Rwandan authorities detained briefly earlier this month in relation to an investigation, then released him.

There are a number of inaccuracies, misrepresentations and falsehoods in the article. The first misrepresentation lies in usage of the word “ordeal” in the headline. Anyone that followed the story of Sebuzuru when Rwandan investigative authorities held him on the Fifth this month will know that the man suffered no ordeal.

Sebuzuru himself told Ugandan media upon his release, and when he was back in his country: “while in detention I was treated as a diplomat because nobody harmed me or took away any of my belongings. I was driven in a (Rwanda) Police vehicle to Gatuna Border with instructions to the border security personnel to help me cross to Uganda without being harmed or disturbed by anybody.”

The man obviously was telling the truth because he was back home in Kisoro, therefore under no pressure. Even the Monitor, which has – like almost all other Ugandan media houses – taken on a virulent anti-Rwanda tone, quoted Sebuzuru saying exactly those words. Sebuzuru said Rwandan investigators are professionals that do their work in a courteous, professional, manner.

The man’s words sharply contradict the New Vision – something that indicates the paper has sunk into a lack of professional ethics that it keeps digging deeper into where Rwanda is concerned.

Rwandan investigators took Sebuzuru in for questioning in relation to a large sum of money he was carrying, according to sources. When Ugandan media learnt of it they rushed to print allegations that “a Horizon Bus Manager had been kidnapped in Rwanda.”

This prompted a Rwandan analyst to remark, “Ugandans, perhaps because they are used to the criminality of their own security organs such as Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence, think other countries also behave like that!”

By now the victimization of innocent Rwandan citizens by the Museveni regime security operatives has become everyday news. There are a lot of accounts of the Ugandan regime harassment of Rwandans travelling to Uganda or those already living there. There have been many accounts of Rwandans that have been pulled off buses enroute to Kampala, accused either of “espionage” or “illegal entry”, then abducted and taken to cells or unknown locations.

Over a thousand Rwandans that have been kidnapped languish in Ugandan prisons, some as long as two years. There are the hair-raising stories of torture that Rwandans, unfortunate to fall into the hands of CMI, suffer. Some Rwandans have come out of the clutches of CMI crippled and unable to walk, and dumped at the border.

These and similar gross violations of the human rights of Rwandans have become the norm since the Museveni regime declared its enmity against Rwanda by working with, and facilitating, the RNC and FDLR – groups bent on destabilizing Rwanda.

“The New Vision obviously is trying to insinuate that Rwanda is doing to Ugandans the same inhuman things that the Kampala regime perpetrates on Rwandans, which is completely laughable,” said an observer.

Everyone knows, just as Sebuzuru now knows, that when Rwandan security authorities arrest a Ugandan it is done within the law and according to international norms. The suspects are informed what they are being arrested for. No one will take them to unknown locations to inflict torture, and no one harasses Ugandans – or other nationals – in Rwanda.

That is exactly what Sebuzuru personally saw.

The interesting thing with The New Vision’s article is that after they had difficulty finding anything negative to fabricate about Rwandan security, they tried to alarm their readers by insinuating, “Rwanda wanted to pin Sebuzuru on receiving money to recruit for RNC”, but that ‘Rwanda’s security agencies failed to pin him.”

The fact is that after a professional interrogation, carried out in a courteous, professional atmosphere, Rwandan authorities determined Sebuzuru was clear of any wrongdoing. They subsequently transported him to the border – as he himself described. The paper goes on with other lies such as one that “Sebuzuru was released because of Ugandan pressure”.

It is as if this propaganda organ just can’t accept that Rwandan security organs do their work professionally and aren’t in the habit of harassing, torturing or wrongly detaining people, a Ugandan independent journalist commented on request of anonymity. You can feel they want the world to believe Rwandans are the same thugs as CMI, but it just can’t work, he added.

The propaganda newspaper resorts to other desperate ploys such as claiming, “Rwandan security agencies confiscated Sebuzuru’s, and his sister’s money”. But even the writer is left no choice but to truthfully quote Sebuzuru who says the money was handed back to them, “all of it,” he said.

“This is yet another big fail in the Museveni regime propaganda efforts to tarnish Rwanda,” said a Rwandan reader.

RNC operative coordinates terror plots against Rwanda from US

By admin

By Grace Kamugisha

Jean-Paul Turayishimiye, the RNC chief of intelligence.

A top operative of Rwanda National Congress – its chief of intelligence – that is based in the United States has continued to plot and devise schemes by which to perpetrate terror attacks on Rwanda, targeting top government officials and ordinary members of the public.

The Boston-based Jean-Paul Turayishimiye – according to members of the Rwandan Diaspora community in the Massachusetts area that we talked to, and according to his various Facebook posts – is the person in charge of “research and information” for RNC.

This is the terror group behind grenade blasts in Rwanda that lasted from 2010 to 2014, claiming a total of 17 lives and injured or maimed over 400.

According to sources, Turayishimiye the chief of intelligence of RNC, is also “the right hand man” of Kayumba Nyamwasa – the head of RNC holed up in South Africa as a fugitive from the law – and reports directly to him.

Jean-Paul Turayishimiye.

Security analysts say that RNC fits all the textbook definitions of a terrorist group. It has openly declared war on a legitimate government elected by its people. RNC has detonated grenades, killing innocent Rwandan civilians as an act of war. In October 2014, one of its operatives, Joel Mutabazi was tried on charges of plotting to assassinate Rwanda’s Head of State and being an accomplice in acts of terrorism.

During the lengthy course of the trial, the Military High Court in Kigali heard how Mutabazi was to get a payment of US$50,000 from RNC to perpetrate the terrorist attack on the President.

The court sentenced him to life imprisonment for that offence, and a raft of other charges including complicity in grenade attacks and dissemination of harmful propaganda.

Further confirmation of the nature of RNC came in the form of a report by the UN Group of Experts on DRC issued on December 31, 2018.

The report described in great detail the terrorist activities of RNC, as the senior partner of the “P5” group in eastern DRC.

The report detailed RNC’s recruitment strategies, its training for war; its acquisitions of firearms and explosives.

“All these acts clearly were those of a terror group, no different than Al Shabaab or even Al Qaeda,” said a Kigali-based analyst.

Jean Paul Turayishimiye, who also happens to hold US permanent residence, is one of the RNC’s bigwigs – the mastermind of the RNC plots and terror attacks, going by his designation as “chief of intelligence”.

“It is unconscionable that Turayishimiye, a senior member of a group as dangerous as RNC that has been proven beyond doubt to be a terror organisation is operating freely in the US,” commented a Rwandan resident of the town of Lowell, Massachusetts.

“The US is known as a country that takes a strong stance against terrorism of all sorts, so it is hard to understand why someone like Turayishimiye has not been arrested,” added our source who requested anonymity in our interview by email.

An indepth investigation conducted by this newspaper has revealed the extent to which Turayishimiye is involved in the grenade attacks, and plots to destabilise Rwanda.

An example came to light when one Joseph Nshimiyimana aka Camarade, stood trial for his role in twin grenade attacks at Kicukiro Market, on September 13, 2013. That particular blast killed two people and injured six others. Nshimiyimana confessed that it was Jean Paul Turayishimiye that recruited him into RNC and gave him plans, funding and instructions to perpetrate the attack.

The same Jean-Paul Turayishimiye was the handler of Joel Mutabazi and his accomplice, one Cpl. Kalisa, in the failed assassination plot against the Head of State.

According to different sources, RNC’s main strategy was to attack the person of the Head of State during the 2017 presidential elections, “for maximum psychological effect”. The plan also involved destruction – with explosives – of “critical national infrastructure, causing an effect as if the government no longer was in control of the country.”

According to sources, Turayishimiye instructed clandestine RNC’s operatives in Kigali to gather information on social infrastructure like bridges and other strategic installations in and around Kigali. The plot was to attack different installations with high-powered explosives, during the same period – the 2017 presidential elections.

Training for these attacks, according to information we have pieced together, was to be carried out in one of the neighbouring countries. The training involved acquisition of skills in arson attacks using improvised explosive devices. Court documents of terror trials in Kigali indicate that recruitment of the grenade throwers or arsonists was the task of one Patrick Rukundo, a former double agent of FDLR ( remnants of the forces that committed the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, in which over a million people lost their lives) and RNC that was based in Kampala.

Rukundo used the advantage of Kampala as the de facto “first home” of RNC to build a network of RNC agents in Rwanda. This would come to light when Rukundo stepped onto Rwanda – thinking his identity was unknown – and got arrested. During his court trial, he confessed everything regarding the role of Jean Paul Turayishimiye.

According to information we have gathered, attacks during the elections were to be carried out in two phases: the blasts at the infrastructure installations and other targets, which would “pave way for more violent operations”, (the second phase). Sleeper cells were to carry out the “support activities” of disseminating tracts of misinformation, to further exacerbate the impression of confusion, disorder and disaffection with the administration.

The planning, transfer of payments to the operatives for their transportation and other needs, coordination with training cells in the neighbouring country, everything was the work of Turayishimiye.

All the plotting was disrupted before it could be carried out, with the agents of terror arrested well before they could hit a single installation or get anywhere near a high-profile individual.

But analysts say that has not stopped RNC, or Turayishimiye. This newspaper established that the latter still very much is scheming terror attacks inside Rwanda, while stepping up efforts for recruitment in the region for the RNC’s armed wing based in eastern DRC.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda.

To columnist Ssemogerere, Ugandan maize meal is more important than Rwandan lives

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Karoli Ssemogerere

Columnist Karoli Ssemogerere of The Daily Monitor – a newspaper that practically has become part and parcel of Museveni’s anti-Rwanda propaganda war – published an article on Thursday this week claiming he was calling for Rwanda and Uganda “to exercise maximum restraint on the border issue.”

In repeating the fallacious Kampala line that Rwanda “has closed the border” Ssemogerere once again betrays only elitist Ugandan mercantilist concerns. These are summed up in the complaint that Ugandan exporters are losing business in Rwanda.

Elitist Ugandans like Ssemogerere have willingly played into the hands of the Kampala regime and its misinformation organs by completely ignoring the moral and legal issue staring them in the face – the over a thousand Rwandan nationals languishing in Ugandan prisons, torture chambers and dungeons of Uganda’s intelligence agencies.

Reading Ssemogerere’s piece – whose last sentence, by the way, is “Please Rwanda stop pouring our maize meal in garbage”– one is left wondering: is this man merely ignorant of the abductions with no arrest warrants, the harassment, the rape and torture his government has been inflicting on Rwandan citizens? Or is the writer aware of that, yet goes ahead to express more concern for his country’s maize meal?

Throughout his entire article nowhere does Ssemogerere utter a single word on the issue of harassed, mistreated, even murdered Rwandans in Uganda. Rwandans are constantly arrested on accusations of “espionage”, others of “illegal entry” and yet others of “illegal weapons possessions”. They never are accorded a fair trial. They never are allowed consular visits.

All that somehow merits no mention by Ssemogerere. He glibly talks of “blood ties between Ugandans and Rwandans”; he mentions important individuals whose identities or past are linked to one or the other country, and so on – all to support his admonitions “to exercise restraint”.

In doing so, the Monitor’s columnist is no different than most Ugandan journalists and media organs. They are all bent on ignoring the plight of those Rwandans in Ugandan prisons and in the clutches of the inhuman CMI, why?

Do Ssemogerere and his counterparts think the Rwandans that Ugandan authorities dump at the borders by the dozens are lying and have not been in inhuman detention? Do they think Moses Ishimwe Rutare – who was abducted in December 2018 when he stepped out of his church in Bugolobi to take a call on his phone and was taken after he accidentally strolled near CMI chief Abel Kandiho’s house – had tortured himself after he appeared very haggard in newspaper pictures, saying it was CMI that did it?

Judging by its egregious failure to investigate the Ugandan state for its proven crimes against innocent citizens of a neighbor state, it is obvious the so-called Fourth Estate of Uganda has become compromised by the Museveni regime, and become fully complicit in its moral corruption. It is far more concerned in establishing false equivalences between Kampala and Kigali, echoed in claims such as Ssemogerere’s that “both sides should exercise restraint”.

The central question here is, what exactly has Kigali done to Uganda to deserve a share of this mealy-mouthed heckling? From all the evidence, nothing.

Ugandans visit, live and work in Rwanda. They dominate areas of the economy like motor vehicle repair. Ugandans are employed by the hundreds as teachers in Rwanda and have jobs in workshops in different industries in different sectors.

No Ugandan in Rwanda is ever abducted, which is as it should be. No Ugandan in Rwanda ever has concocted charges hurled at him or her, then tortured. Members of the security organs do not violate the rights of Ugandans.

Even more incredible in the false equivalency games of Ugandan media is how they behave as if the 800 pound gorilla in the sitting room simply isn’t there: namely Kampala’s support and facilitation of groups bent on destabilizing Rwanda.

By now only the completely deaf and blind are unaware that RNC and FDLR, groups that have been proven to commit acts of terror in Rwanda, have the full and unreserved backing of Museveni and his state organs.

On the other hand, how have Ugandan elites – specifically those that play Museveni’s propaganda games for him, whether wittingly or not – handled the fact Rwanda backs no groups, zero, seeking to destabilize Uganda? They have shifted their blame-Rwanda rhetoric to a higher gear.

The upshot? They are a huge part of the problem.

This is how the likes of Ssemogerere only show concern for maize meals over endangered Rwandan lives.

CMI agents attempted to cut off the manhood of a Rwandan pastor

By admin

Deported 20 give testimony of some of the most harrowing torture of Rwandans to date, by Ugandan military intelligence

By Jackson Mutabazi

Jean de Dieu Singirankabo.

The stories of the 20 Rwandans that Uganda deported on Wednesday this week are particularly hair-raising, even when one is used to the testimonies of victims of torture by Uganda’s security agencies.

Operatives of CMI, Ugandan military intelligence, attempted to cut off the penis of one of the deported men, Jean de Dieu Singirankabo – a pastor with the Uganda mission of the ADEPR Church. That happened during a torture session just a few days ago in the dungeons of CMI’s headquarters at Mbuya Military Barracks, the pastor disclosed.

Rwandan victims of CMI have described suffering Taliban-style water boarding, emersion in ice water, electric shock, and beatings in the agency’s dungeons and “safe houses”. This is the first time this website has interviewed anyone whose manhood they tried to hack off. Singirankabo is taking strong painkillers. He is in great pain. He currently is hospitalized. They tortured him saying ADEPR – whose headquarters is in Rwanda – is “full of Rwandan spies”.

Pastor Singirankabo says he told the CMI people he, and his fellow pastors and churchgoers are only doing the Lord’s work, nothing else. But the CMI people were only intent on torture. When they arrested him – the usual lawless abduction by which they take Rwandans – they showed him no evidence of the alleged spying. “Our only crime is that we are Rwandans,” said the pastor.

This desperation of CMI who ‘smell Rwandan spies everywhere’, to the extent they are doing things as inhuman as what they did to Singirankabo has left many asking themselves: what is the true source of Kampala’s fears?

“This obsession of Uganda’s CMI with “Rwandan spies” is far beyond what would be normal precautions of a state against spying,” said an analyst. “It is the clearest indication that the Museveni regime is truly scared something really serious could be discovered!” he deducted.

Evidence is everywhere that Kampala is the main sponsor of the RNC terror group of fugitive Kayumba Nyamwasa.

There are the 46 individuals that were intercepted at Kikagati en-route to DRC in December 2017. They were travelling on forged papers. When interrogated they confessed they were recruits of RNC, headed to training camps in DRC that it was CMI that recruited them and provided the forged papers. The UN Group of Exerts Report on DRC, released in December 2018, heavily implicated Uganda in identical recruitment activities for the so-called “P5” anti-Rwanda rebel groups.

In Kampala, when RNC bigwigs arrive they are accorded treatment like visiting dignitaries, according to eyewitnesses. RNC Chief financier Tribert Rujugiro is assigned protocol almost similar to a head of state. When in Kampala he has teams of security flanking him everywhere, and moves around in convoys. Rujugiro has set up a tobacco-processing plant in Arua – Salem Saleh is a 15 percent shareholder – that only is a front for RNC operations in Uganda.

“Rujugiro is a well known tax-dodging fraudster – he was arrested by UK Police and had a bracelet fastened on his leg – yet he is doing business in Uganda, why?” asked a Kampala-based financial journalist that requested anonymity to speak freely.

In 2007 South Africa issued an arrest warrant for the RNC chief financier when he defrauded the government of US$ 7 million, leading to the arrest in UK. “That alone is clear evidence that the things Museveni’s people have been saying, that Rujugiro is a good investor, supporting Arua farmers and benefitting the Ugandan economy are lies to cover up something really fishy,” added the journalist.

There can no longer be any doubt of Uganda’s backing of RNC, going by all the evidence, not least the lavish space Ugandan state media gives RNC leaders to air their propaganda; the “accidental” meetings in State House and the like. Observers say the only question now is, what else is Kampala so fearful will be discovered?

Educated speculation is that RNC and FDLR have training camps in Uganda itself. “It is quite possible they are training for their planned war against Rwanda perhaps even in places in Kampala itself!” some say. That is why they have stepped up the arrests of innocent Rwandans, and the torture has become more draconian.

“When they took us to Mbuya they threw hoods over our heads and beat us. At Mbuya there were very many Rwandans there, naked and on the floors,” said Singirankabo. “Others were in the basement from where we would hear crying.”

He says that amongst their torturers were people that spoke fluent Kinyarwanda. It was while there that one of the operatives took a knife and did the inhuman thing to him.

CMI’s torture of Rwandans has a recognizable pattern now. Operatives in groups of four or five approach a Rwandan. They ask him who he is, and before he knows what is going on, they have surrounded him and pushed him into a vehicle. Once inside they shove a hood over one’s head so that he or she won’t know where they are going.

But before they set off they first search the victim’s pockets or bags, immediately pocketing any money they find. They go through one’s phone, ask him for the mobile money pin number, and carry out a transaction to withdraw all the money on it. Then they drive off with the hooded, handcuffed victim. Torture of all kinds goes on at CMI: beatings, shock with electric wires, emersion in ice cold water, and starvation. Now cutting off body parts has been added to the list.

Hategekimana Silas one of the deported 20 said one of the biggest problem for innocent Rwandans is posed by RNC agents that work with CMI. They are establishing a policy that the only safe Rwandan in Uganda is the one that says bad things about Rwanda. “There is a terrible evil going on in Uganda that only God can stop!” said Hategekimana. “How can a country allow some few people like that to cause such hatred in people,” asked the middle-aged man who breaks down in tears when he thinks of what he has seen.

He said one of the main reasons Ugandan security agencies torture Rwandans is to force them to join the army of Nyamwasa. “If you refuse to do that you are in serious trouble. They will be beating you with electric wires!” But, he added, “I would rather die than join that evil group!”

Silas says they abducted him from Entebbe. “They arrested me illegally,” he says. But, he added that he believes the Rwandan government’s outspokenness on the matter helped a lot in getting them released, “because the government has been speaking out a lot.”

Hategekimana disclosed that even people that joined RNC or FDLR are deserting and coming back to Uganda. Unfortunately for them, some were abducted and taken to CMI detention. “I spoke with some of them in the dungeons,” says Silas. “They said it is better to do everything to desert RNC because there is nothing good in war without a cause. They would rather die escaping!”

But CMI, working with RNC agents, have stepped up their recruitment-by-abduction strategy. Hategekimana disclosed that Ugandan agents have been abducting hundreds of young Rwandans from universities all over Kampala and elsewhere. They have abducted many and brought them to CMI with accusations of “spying”, added the pastor.

“These illegal detentions, mistreatment and deportations are the reason the Government of Rwanda advised its citizens not to travel to Uganda,” said Olivier Nduhungirehe, Minister of State in Charge of the East African Community. “We continue to call on Uganda to halt all collaboration with terrorist groups hostile to Rwanda including RNC, and instead use lawful means to bring to justice any Rwandan that may be suspected of breaking the law,” added the minister.

Hundreds of Rwandans still languish in Ugandan prisons, never having stood trial, or had a chance to defend themselves in any way.

Rwanda welcomes over 20 citizens deported from Uganda, urges end to ‘illegal arrests, torture’

By admin

By Times Reporter

State Minister, Nduhungirehe and the 20 Rwandans who were deported from Uganda.

The Government has welcomed more than 20 Rwandans who it says were deported Wednesday from Uganda, where they had been illegally detained.

In a statement released late Wednesday, Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe, the Minister of State in charge of the East African Community, “expressed his sympathy to the deported Rwandans and their families for the pain and difficulties they faced.”

“These illegal detentions, mistreatment and deportations is the reason the Government of Rwandan advised our citizens not to travel to Uganda,” he said.

“We continue to call on Uganda to halt all collaboration with terrorist groups hostile to Rwanda including RNC, in targeting, illegally detaining, and torturing Rwandans and instead use lawful means to bring to justice any Rwandans suspected of breaking the law,” he added.

Kigali reiterated that the latest deportation of Rwandan nationals by Uganda is not an isolated case.

“The fate of hundreds of Rwandans, whose names are known to the Government of Uganda, who have been killed, arrested, incarcerated without consular access and tortured, nor the close to one thousand illegally deported to Rwanda in inhumane conditions has never been addressed by Uganda, though repeatedly brought up by Rwanda through diplomatic channels,” the statement reads in part.

The statement did not provide any details about the identities of those deported, or how long they had been in custody, but Wednesday’s deportations are the largest group of Rwandans deported from Uganda at once over the last couple of months.

Until this particular case, individual or small groups of Rwandans were being dumped at the border by Ugandan authorities.

While the latest arrivals have yet to talk to the media, previous deportees have told tales of inhumane treatment and torture at the hands of Uganda’s security forces, especially intelligence agents and operatives linked to Rwandan terror group RNC.

RNC was created by Rwandan fugitives, including former senior military officers wanted in Rwanda over terrorism-related cases for which they were tried in absentia and sentenced to varied jail terms. The group is linked to a spate of fatal grenade attacks that rocked the capital Kigali about 10 years ago.

Uganda has also been linked to other anti-Kigali armed groups, including FDLR, the offshoot of forces and militia largely blamed for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, and FLN, which last year made incursions on Rwandan territory through Burundi, killing at least nine civilians and wounding several others.

Uganda’s support to a myriad of Rwandan rebel groups has partly been revealed by senior FDLR and FLN leaders who were arrested within the last six months and are appearing before courts of law.

A UN report of experts released in December also said Uganda was a major source of new recruits for ‘P5’, a coalition that brings together different Rwandan rebel groups led by RNC’s Kayumba Nyamwasa. Nyamwasa is based in South Africa.

Kampala has rejected the accusations and claimed it arrests those involved in espionage and other illegal activities — although most of those deported said they were never charged in court.

However, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni admitted in a letter to his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame in March to “accidentally” meeting in his office RNC officials.

The New Times / Rwanda

How Museveni’s vulnerability at home dragged Uganda and Rwanda to conflict

By admin

By Albert Rudatsimburwa

On June 8, 2019, Uganda’s The Daily Monitor carried a story by Ugandan journalist Angelo Izama entitled, “How clashes of class, egos drag Uganda and Rwanda to conflict.”

Mr. Izama attempts to situate the current episode in the context of a broader protracted structural conflict of the Banyarwanda-Bahima rivalry dating as far back as the 1980s NRA bush war that brought President Museveni to power in January 1986.

Izama’s analysis has two fundamental flaws that ultimately lead him to spurious conclusions.

His reading of the current crisis clearly lacks factual knowledge and he takes on face value the interpretation of history by the “academic and NRM intellectual.”

Facts on the current crisis

Izama falls in the trap of Museveni propagandists who place former IGP, Gen Kale Kayihura, at the centre of the problems between Rwanda and Uganda.

He argues that during Kale’s reign, a close relationship had developed between the police forces of both countries so much so that Rwanda was allowed to conduct “renditions” of its enemies from Uganda. “Rwanda had penetrated deep into Kampala’s security establishment,” Izama writes.

The author does not give a single example of the “renditions” that Kigali conducted from Uganda. It is in the same way he casually repeats pro-Museveni propaganda that Rwanda closed its borders with Uganda.

When pressed on the fact that two out of three borders have always been fully operational and Gatuna was only partially barred – to heavy trucks – due to ongoing mutually agreed construction by the two countries, Ugandan officials and commentators simply ignore the inconvenient facts and just continue repeating the same untruth.

Similarly, when pressed to name the people who have suffered Rwandan “renditions” as a result of Kayihura’s purported complicity with Rwanda, they point to Lt Joel Mutabazi, who was legally repatriated to Rwanda and tried on terrorist charges in an open court – unlike the hundreds of Rwandans who are languishing in CMI secret cells across Uganda without access to consular support, to lawyers, or to hear the charges against them and then be given the opportunity to defend themselves in court.

There is something important to understand when it comes to the repatriation of Mutabazi, and this is an inconvenient fact Izama dances around. He writes that the security cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda had “flourished” during Kale’s reign as IGP. However, for any relationship to flourish, there has to be an element of reciprocity.

There was plenty of that. Uganda Police and Rwanda Police are signatories to the 13-member East African Police Chiefs Organization Cooperation (EAPCCO) framework agreement that, among other areas of cooperation, required mutual repatriation of fugitives in the member states. Additionally, the Uganda Police Force (UPF) and the Rwanda National Police (RNP) had a similar bilateral cooperation arrangement.

Indeed, like Izama observes, the relationship flourished and involved the repatriation of stolen cars, cash, and at one point Rwanda repatriated cattle belonging to Ugandans.

It was mutual. However, Uganda benefited the most when it came to repatriating fugitives: more than 26 Ugandan fugitives – including Shanita Namuyimbwa aka Bad Black – were apprehended in Rwanda and sent to Uganda to face justice. In turn, Rwanda received only 9 fugitives from Uganda.

It was beyond just Kale. For instance, the handover of Mutabazi to Rwanda was done by Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba.

Why the story of the official handing him over changed from Muhoozi to Kale will become obvious as you read.

Most importantly, the only way Izama’s argument that the repatriation of fugitives from Uganda was only possible because “Rwanda had penetrated deep into Kampala’s security establishment,” can hold is if the argument is applied equally to the repatriation of fugitives from Rwanda to Uganda.

In other words, that the repatriation of twice as many Ugandans from Rwanda was possible only because Uganda had penetrated deep into Kigali’s security establishment.

Uganda’s internal weaknesses

Much as Izama feeds on pro-Museveni propaganda, he shows signs that he could have addressed the real problem had he really wanted.

For instance, he observes that this close relationship was torn apart due to some internal challenges that Uganda happened to be facing that “had nothing to do with Rwanda.”

What were these domestic problems and, most importantly, if these domestic challenges had nothing to do with Rwanda, why did the authorities find it necessary to drag Rwanda into them?

“They included embarrassingly high levels of crime that shamed the police establishment and was politically dangerous to President Museveni,” Izama observes, before proceeding to make the most important revelation: It is Uganda’s “fragile transitional politics that made Gen Kayihura’s status as the centre-piece of security decision making untenable.”

A fragile domestic front – “that had nothing to do with Rwanda” – had exposed the weakness of the system and threatened Museveni politically.

At this point Izama could have ended his article because, already, he had made an important contribution to understanding the trigger of this current episode of the on-and-off conflict between Uganda and Rwanda.

External pressure

Museveni’s reaction to the internal pressure that has been piling up since the 2016 presidential elections had gradually turned off his external “diplomatic assets” and undermined the pursuit of his post-2016 foreign policy goals.

Again, Izama allows himself to be influenced by the pro-Museveni propaganda in how he interprets the post-2016 events.

A key outcome of the elections was the discovery on the part of Museveni of how much he had become unpopular, even amongst the rural masses. The open discontent in the cities and towns was palpable.

Further, the entry of the People Power Movement as a political force to reckon with made an already vulnerable Museveni panicky.

The “spiralling violent crime” around the country is one way he decided to deal with the political vulnerabilities on the domestic front.

Over this time, a systematic assassination of perceived political opponents went into full gear: the murder of prominent Muslim clerics, senior state prosecutor Joan Kagezi, Gen Aronda Nyakairima, AIGP Andrew Kaweesi, Sheikh Major Mohammed Kiggundu, SSP Mohammad Kirumira, MP Ibrahim Abiriga, etc.

The brutal torture of Hon Francis Zaake and Hon Robert Kyagulanyia (better known as Bobi Wine), more than anything else, hurt Museveni’s foreign policy goals and compromised his “diplomatic assets” at the United Nations and the European Union.

The problem is, as Izama notes, “a purely Ugandan question.” Most importantly, how this situation would trigger – rather than use as pretext – the “subsequent reorganisation of the police, the wider military intelligence sector” as a means of “helping to rebalance the foreign policy position and take control of spiralling violent crime” is rather preposterous.

What is inescapable is that the vulnerabilities at home and abroad needed a local and foreign scapegoat and Kale’s “centre-piece” status made him the perfect fall-guy to deliver the ideal scapegoat – Rwanda.

Rwanda blindsided

Much as Uganda has the “freedom to organise its affairs” how the once flourishing security relations of the two countries suddenly turned into a policy of scapegoating for internal political vulnerabilities caught Rwanda by surprise.

Kigali was especially blindsided by the dusting-off of officers, whose only reputation since the NRA bush war period, as Izama notes, is their hatred of Rwandans.

This coterie became the new “centre-piece of security decision making.” Rwanda protested to Uganda, in the mistaken belief that the spirit of cooperation still existed.

It was flat out ignored. What Rwanda had, up to that point, perceived as a minor misunderstanding that could be corrected with due time took a radical turn as Gen Henry Tumukunde, Gen Elly Tumwine, and Salim Saleh’s former escort Abel Kandiho began to implement a policy of hostility.

This signalled to Kigali that the “reorganisation” was a deliberate and substantive, not an incidental, policy shift.

However, Uganda soon showed its hand with the emergence of Kayumba Nyamwasa’s Rwanda National Congress (RNC) as a key partner in this security reorganisation that Kigali perceived as constituting an open declaration of aggression by Kampala.

That Museveni decision raised the “misunderstanding” to the high stakes crisis that it is today.

The prelude had blown onto the scene fortuitously about six months prior to Gen Kayihura’s arrest. On December 11, 2017, 46 RNC recruits were intercepted at the Kikagati border on their way to the terrorist group’s training centre in Minembwe, South Kivu, DRC.

Border immigration officials became suspicious of the fake travel documents they were carrying and the conflicting stories about where they were heading.

The officials called the police whose efforts to apprehend the suspects faced resistance from accompanying CMI officers who insisted that they were acting on “orders from above.”

The centre-piece he was, Kayihura prevailed over Kandiho and had his officer at the scene, Colonel Ndahura, apprehend the suspects at Isingiro police post.

After a brief interrogation, they confessed to CMI facilitation of the travel documents and the fake stories they were to tell immigration officials.

On March 25, 2018, in a joint press conference with President Kagame who had gone to Uganda to prevent a crisis, President Museveni admitted that his security forces had indeed facilitated these recruits, “A group of Banyarwanda was being recruited through Tanzania and Burundi to go to Congo. They said they were going for church work, but when they were interrogated it was found the work wasn’t exactly religious. It was something else,” Museveni told journalists.

This embarrassing interception by Uganda Police of RNC recruits facilitated by CMI signalled the end of Kale Kayihura. During his arrest three months later, twenty six of his subordinates who had at one point or another intercepted RNC movements were apprehended.

They remain in military confinement. In other words, their crime was never the repatriation of Rwandans as pro-Museveni propaganda has Izama thinking.

On the contrary, going after a “centre piece” was essential in Museveni’s quest for a scapegoat – at home and abroad – to stave off his domestic troubles that had his hold on power slipping.

The members of the triumvirate “centrepiece” – some out in the cold for decades of being ignored – began to outdo each other competing for attention and bigger operational budgets.

Whoever the RNC would point to they would arrest and ask questions later. Ironically, it was the RNC, rather than Kigali’s security agencies, that now truly became embedded into Uganda’s Security Establishment, even arresting people without the presence of any of the formal organs, as victims of torture have testified time and again.

As more and more victims of torture began to trickle in, Rwanda had seen more than it needed to. It issued a very strong advisory to its citizens against travelling to Uganda.

Whereas the first part of Izama’s analysis is merely misinformed, the second part is rather regrettable. For one thing, he draws heavily on the erroneous interpretation of history in the writing of someone he already known to be an “NRM academic and intellectual,” whose perspectives – like those of the pro-Museveni propagandists that informed his analysis in the first part – he takes on face value.

Izama and the NRM academic he bases his interpretation of the historical facts on take for granted that Museveni should have a right to export his “view of state building” to Rwanda.

However, Rwanda’s ‘stubborn refusal’ of Museveni’s vision means it has “resented [it] as a basis for their partnership and then violently rejected in Kisangani,” Izama writes with no sense of shame regarding such a preposterous proposition for a sovereign state.

Remarkably, Izama thinks that Rwanda should accept Museveni’s vision for it and still remain within a “separate but equal” partnership rather than nurture “a culture of competition where cooperation would be the most meaningful path,” he writes rather condescendingly, as if willing himself to forget the very reasons he has given for the collapse of the once “flourishing” security relations between the two countries.

Uganda and Rwanda would be in good terms if only it weren’t for “Mr. Kagame’s self-reliance and conviction,” attributes that make him a “complex character” and a “force of personality.” These attributes predispose Kagame to “a radical dedication to independent decision making.” This seems to square with Museveni’s complaint about Kagame, “he doesn’t listen to me,” he once told President Nyerere of Tanzania. Izama also thinks Kagame should.

In reality, Museveni’s need for scapegoats for failures on both domestic and international fronts, and his inability to accept that Rwanda can never be a Ugandan satrap are what is driving the ongoing hostility between the two countries.

A solution to walk back the tension lies entirely in Mr Museveni’s hands. It starts from accepting a simple fact: Both Uganda and Rwanda are sovereign states, each with its own national interests.

Their relationship, like all interstate relations, must be based on the need to cooperate for mutual benefit. No productive relations are possible where one believes it has a right to oversee how the other governs itself.

Nor should any leader believe dragging a neighbour into his country’s domestic politics as a scapegoat is conducive to productive bilateral relations.

Angelo Izama missed an excellent opportunity to bring out these key points in his analysis.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Rwandan who bribed his way back home from Ugandan jail speaks out

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By Times Reporter

The family of Moses Ishimwe Rutare, 33, a Rwandan national who had been kidnapped by Ugandan operatives in December last year, had to pay up to Ush2 million (about Rwf480,000) in what it says was a ransom for his return to Rwanda.

They say the money was paid to a state attorney, having previously paid another 18 million Ugandan Shillings in legal fees.

Ishimwe, who returned from Uganda on Thursday last week, and his elder brother Fred Irumva Rutare, were yesterday speaking to The New Times, months after the former was picked up by Uganda’s security agents from a church in Bugolobi, Kampala, where he had gone for prayers.

Ishimwe shortly after he was released from Luzira prison after his family bribed authorities on Thursday last week. His legs bear scars from torture by Ugandan security personnel. Courtesy.

He says he had been given bail after paying UgSh2m but was kept in Luzira maximum prison for three months until he was forced to pay another UgSh2m to a state attorney for his release last week.

In total, he says his family spent some 20 million Ugandan shillings (about Rwf4.8m) in legal fees, court charges, and bail surety fees.

The fees also included the acquisition of a habeas corpus order issued by the judge requiring the military to produce him before court.

He had appeared before the Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court in March.

“The judge ruled that he should be released with conditions only for his captors to keep him in jail until we were asked to cough up more money for his release and termination of the case,” Irumva said of his younger brother’s ordeal at the hands of Ugandan authorities.

Ishimwe was picked up from Bugolobi by operatives attached to Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) on December 24, 2018, he says.

He had travelled to Uganda two months earlier and granted a six-month stay by the country’s immigration authorities.

Trumped-up claims

However, he says his captors made up claims that he had illegally crossed into Uganda and was spying on the country. He would later be charged with illegal entry during his court appearance in March.

“I have never been involved in any political activity and never held any public office,” he says.

Ishimwe was born, raised and studied in Uganda.

At the time of his arrest he was working with a Christian ministry.

He says he was brutally and psychologically tortured, was seriously beaten, and threatened with death.

Immediately after his arrest in December he was taken to CMI headquarters in Mbuya, Kampala where he was illegally detained and tortured, he says.

“In Mbuya I was clobbered with cables and tortured by security agents who were forcing me to admit to trumped-up claims,” he says.

While there, he says he fell sick and was regularly throwing up as a result of mistreatment.

Soon the operatives realised that his situation was worsening and decided to transfer him to Kireka Police Station in Kampala, from where he was taken to hospital.

Later, he was transferred to Luzira maximum prison.

It was from Luzira that he would later appear before the judge.

How he was kidnapped

Ishimwe says he was kidnapped by plain-clothed agents during an end-of-year event at a church in Bugolobi.

“I had gone out to answer a call from my mother only to be approached by a stranger who started asking me who I was and what I was doing,” he recalls.

Surprised, he asked the man who he was himself and why he was questioning him.

Amid the exchange, six armed men appeared from nowhere and forced him into a car. Off they drove away. To a destination he says he later came to learn was Mbuya military barracks.

Many Rwandans who have been deported from Uganda in recent months have disturbing memories of their ordeal at Mbuya.

Many other Rwandans remain unaccounted for after going missing during visits to Uganda, with fears they may be languishing in ungazetted detention facilities, otherwise known as ‘safe houses’.

In Ishimwe’s case, his disappearance was first reported by his Ugandan wife, prompting his family and Rwanda’s embassy in Kampala to intervene.

Ishimwe is known to be part of the team that organises the popular “Blankets and Wine” social events.

In a related development, Foreign Affairs minister Dr Richard Sezibera said yesterday that Rwanda’s travel advisory to its nationals against traveling to Uganda still stood.

He was speaking to The New Times a day after Rwanda Revenue Authority announced that it had temporarily opened the Gatuna border crossing to heavy trucks having earlier partially closed the border to allow for construction of the one-stop border post.

Rwanda accuses Uganda of harassing, arresting and torturing its nationals with the help of Rwandan dissidents it says are facilitated by Ugandan authorities to recruit fighters and conduct subversive activities with view to destabilise Rwanda.

Several deported Rwandans have said they had been threatened with death for rejecting efforts to recruit them into dissident network, mainly run by individuals linked to the RNC terror group.

Travel advisory to Uganda still stands, says Sezibera

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By The New Times

Sezibera addresses senators in Kigali yesterday.

Rwanda’s advisory that warns its citizens against travelling to Uganda still stands, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation has said.

The clarification came after Rwanda announced on Sunday temporary re-opening of Gatuna border for heavy trucks.

In an interview with The New Times on Monday, Richard Sezibera said the Gatuna border with Uganda has re-opened for heavy trucks in order to test facilities at the border following the construction of a one-stop border post, but Rwandans should continue to heed the travel advisory for their own safety.

The minister spoke to this newspaper from Parliamentary Buildings in Kigali, shortly after he met senators for a session focused on explaining the Government’s foreign policy on promoting trade and investment.

“The travel advisory has not changed. The travel advisory says that ‘you are strongly advised not to travel to Uganda’. That hasn’t changed,” he said.

At the beginning of March this year, the Government advised Rwandans not to go to Uganda because their security was not guaranteed in that country.

“Rwandans are arrested, tortured, and harassed in Uganda; this is an issue we have raised with Uganda many times at different levels. Those that are not arrested, harassed, and detained are deported for reasons which we don’t understand,” Sezibera told this newspaper in March.

Rwandan officials say that Ugandan authorities have arrested scores of Rwandan citizens for unclear reasons and have deported or denied entry to hundreds of others since January 2018.

Rwanda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, revealed in a tweet late last month that Rwanda was pleading for the release of about a hundred of its citizens languishing in Uganda’s jails, mostly ungazetted.

Meanwhile, the foreign minister emphasised that Rwanda’s foreign policy on trade and investment will focus more on involving members of the private sector to take advantage of trade opportunities in other countries.

He told senators in the session about the Government’s foreign policy on the promotion of trade and investment, known as economic diplomacy strategy, that there is need for members of the private sector to work more closely with the Government to state where they need help.

Government will focus efforts at facilitating Rwandan businesses on how they can take advantage of the opportunities abroad, he said.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Rwanda’s professional treatment of Ugandan suspect exposes Ugandan agencies

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By Gasimba Moise

In the Museveni regime’s ongoing propaganda war against Rwanda, Kampala’s Daily Monitor newspaper has tried to exploit an investigation by Rwandan law enforcement authorities of a Ugandan, to insinuate “Rwanda has done something wrong”. The paper first published an alarmist article, Horizon Bus Company Manager detained in Rwanda”, last Friday.

It once again showed that any event, even the most insignificant, will be exploited by Ugandan Media most of which have been assimilated into Kampala’s hostile, anti-Rwanda strategy, analysts observe. The brief is to misrepresent everything possible so as to heap blame for the current strained relations between the two countries on Rwanda.

Hence the Daily Monitor’s last article on the release of Emmanuel Sebuzuru, the manager of the Horizon Bus Company in the Ugandan town of Kisoro. Rwandan investigative authorities on Wednesday, 5 May, took the gentleman in for questioning in relation to a large sum of money he was carrying, according to sources.

Interestingly, some in Uganda, including media like the Monitor, began alleging that Sebuzuru was kidnapped. “Perhaps Ugandans, because they are used to the criminal behavior of their own organs such as CMI (military intelligence), think all other countries’ agencies behave like that!” commented a Rwandan security observer.

But, according to Sebuzuru himself, Rwandan investigators are professionals that do their work in a courteous, professional manner.

“While in detention I was treated as a diplomat because nobody harmed me or took away any of my belongings,” Sebuzuru told Ugandan media. That was after he went back to Kisoro, following a quick, efficient investigation by the Rwanda Police that established he had nothing wrong.

Sebuzuru said, “I was driven in a police vehicle to Gatuna Border (on Saturday, 8) with instructions to the border security personnel to help me cross to Uganda without being harmed or disturbed by anybody.” The Rwanda Police had conducted its investigation in a speedy process and released the suspect after it turned out there was no reason to detain him any longer. That is how Rwanda does things, everyone that has dealt with its institutions testifies.

In the case of Sebuzuru as in all others, all legal procedures were respected. Even the Daily Monitor had no choice but to report this fact, in a second story under the headline, “Arrested Horizon Bus Company Manager Released from Rwanda”.

Yet the paper went ahead to invent details to make it seem that “Ugandan authorities had intervened”, including State Minister for Regional Cooperation Philemon Mateke, whom they claim “did amplified advocacy for the release of the arrested bus manager.” This is the same Mateke that, it has been reported, coordinated meetings that brought together officials of FDLR and RNC, groups whose stated goal is to bring war to Rwanda.

But whatever they say, this newspaper – Monitor – and others cannot take away the fact Rwandan institutions treated a Ugandan fairly and professionally, and Rwandan institutions respect the rights of the thousands of Ugandans that travel here and work here, said a Kigali-based commentator. That is completely unlike the treatment reserved to Rwandan nationals when arrested by the likes of CMI, ISO and other Ugandan agencies.

Countless media reports both in Rwanda and the region have detailed the inhuman treatment Ugandan security agencies have meted out innocent Rwandans. CMI, chiefly and mainly, but also ISO, Uganda Immigration (which they have militarized in the past half year) and others routinely harass Rwandan nationals.

They arrest them on charges of “illegal entry” even when it is perfectly clear this is in violation of EAC Common Market Protocols – on freedom of movement of people, labor and goods – of which Uganda is one of the first signatories. Ugandan security authorities accuse Rwandans of “espionage” and abduct them, but never try a single one in court. They arrest others on “illegal weapons possessions” charges but never prove a single one of the charges.

After abducting so many innocent Rwandans they wrongfully detain them in unknown places. These people are denied their right to consular visits by officials of their country’s embassy. The Rwandan High Commissioner in Kampala has many times written notes verbale, to complain about this breach of international norms. But, according to officials of the High Commission, Ugandan authorities only ignore them.

Very many Rwandans – those lucky enough to be released from CMI custody – describe the inhuman torture meted out to Rwandans, “whose only crime is that they are Rwandan!”

It is estimated that well over a thousand Rwandan nationals are incarcerated in different prisons all over Uganda on concocted charges, doing hard labor and enduring beatings. Over a hundred are in detention at CMI’s headquarters, Mbuya Barracks, suffering terrible physical abuse.

But Sebuzuru is not languishing in a torture dungeon in Rwanda. That did not stop the Monitor from insinuating that his could result in “reprisals against innocent Rwandan citizens living in or traveling to Uganda.”

In any case, does it need any Ugandan’s arrest in Rwanda for criminal-behaving Ugandan agents abducting and mistreating Rwandans! Wondered a commentator.

Museveni has decided to support and give backing to groups determined to destabilize Rwanda, which means that too is his policy, “therefore they will keep mistreating Rwandans,” he added.

Angelo Izama Confirms What Is Already Known: Museveni’s Unrelenting Desire To Control Rwanda

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By KT Press Staff Writer

On Saturday, June 8, 2019, the Ugandan journalist Angelo Izama wrote in the Daily Monitor an article titled “How clashes of Egos drag Uganda and Rwanda to conflict.”

The article is part of a series of publications in Uganda’s newspapers that illustrate the misrepresentation of the current dispute between the two countries by the Ugandan intellectual elites and their constant refusal to tackle the real causes of the conflict.

Accordingly, the facts have become secondary and historical manipulations – as well as fallacious reasoning tending to establish a moral equivalence between the parties in conflict – are made to flourish.

First of all, the idea that the current conflict can be considered as an ego war must be rejected because it is based only on perceptions and not on proven facts.

The facts are stubborn. In 2001, Winnie Byanyima accused President Museveni of supporting elements of the FDLR in their belligerent project against Rwanda.

Uganda has more than once facilitated the flight of Rwandan military officers wanted by courts in their country. The Ugandan government has not only sabotaged efforts to build a railway linking Mombassa to Kigali that would have opened up Rwanda and reduced the cost of imports, but also it attacked Rwandan exporters who were hauling their goods (Milk or mining products) through Uganda. These are part of actions that have resulted in economic losses for Rwanda.

It is worth repeating that since 1998, the Ugandan government has intermittently led an indirect military war as well as an economic war against Rwanda.

Far from recognizing these facts and integrating them into the search for a solution, some Ugandan intellectuals are trying as best as they can to justify the hostile actions of their government against Rwandan nationals in Uganda.

Unsurprisingly, Mr. Izama argues that the Ugandan security services were infiltrated by Rwandan agents at a time when cooperation between the two countries had resumed.

But as Andrew Mwenda points out in his article “Kayihura, Kagame, Museveni”, in this arrangement between the two countries, Rwanda handed over 26 suspects to the Ugandan authorities, whereas Uganda handed over only 9. If cooperation has led to the infiltration of Ugandan security services, why does one feel that it is Uganda that has benefited the most?

Can we use the same argument to say that the reason such conditions prevailed was because Ugandan intelligence had infiltrated their Rwandan counterparts? If so were Ugandans similarly harassed, arrested or tortured in Rwanda?

Why are Rwandan nationals detained and tortured by the CMI not brought before the courts? The only explanation for this is that Ugandan elites are involved in fallacious reasoning that is otherwise known by its technical term as propaganda.

The second point on which Angelo Izama focuses is the assertion that political systems and ideologies that characterize the two countries, and which would explain the tensions between them, differ on tolerance; it’s the claim that the NRM has a more integrational policy that characterizes its governance.

Again the erroneous reasoning fails to mention the facts: Rwanda is the only country where as many genocidaires live in peace with their victims, a country that has integrated a large number of its adversaries – the ex-FAR – into its defense forces. Rwanda has repatriated thousands of FDLR combatants as well as their families who are now living in the country peacefully and participating in its development.

The Ugandan government cannot claim more openness or tolerance as it invokes the right of pursuit in its war against Joseph Kony or the ADF, for example.

And, in any case, at no time did Rwanda undertake to support Joseph Kony or the ADF in the name of a political vision that she would try to impose on her neighbor.

The Rwandan president has never met, either intentionally or accidentally, emissaries of Joseph Kony or those of the ADF in this warped logic of imposition.

And if President Kagame ever came to do it, he would not invoke the right to choose friends as a justification meant to silence informal and official protests from a neighbor and an ally.

Consequently, the current conflict is not an ego war, but a tutelage project in which the Ugandan government and Museveni interfere in the internal affairs of a sovereign country where they intend to impose a leadership more friendly to their own interests.

This unmitigated pursuit seems to supersede all other considerations, such as the well-being of the people and good neighborliness. Any reasonable person would conclude that this reading is evident in each of their actions since the clashes in Kisangani.

It’s also apparently in the condescending attitude that Mr. Izama brings to his analysis of the problem between the two countries where he thinks Uganda – and Museveni in particular – is justified to seek to impose his NRA vision in a sovereign state.

Source: KT PRESS / RWANDA.

RNC operative coordinates terror plots against Rwanda from US

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By Grace Kamugisha

Jean-Paul Turayishimiye, the RNC chief of intelligence.

A top operative of Rwanda National Congress – its chief of intelligence – that is based in the United States has continued to plot and devise schemes by which to perpetrate terror attacks on Rwanda, targeting top government officials and ordinary members of the public.

The Boston-based Jean-Paul Turayishimiye – according to members of the Rwandan Diaspora community in the Massachusetts area that we talked to, and according to his various Facebook posts – is the person in charge of “research and information” for RNC.

This is the terror group behind grenade blasts in Rwanda that lasted from 2010 to 2014, claiming a total of 17 lives and injured or maimed over 400.

According to sources, Turayishimiye the chief of intelligence of RNC, is also “the right hand man” of Kayumba Nyamwasa – the head of RNC holed up in South Africa as a fugitive from the law – and reports directly to him.

Jean-Paul Turayishimiye.

Security analysts say that RNC fits all the textbook definitions of a terrorist group. It has openly declared war on a legitimate government elected by its people. RNC has detonated grenades, killing innocent Rwandan civilians as an act of war. In October 2014, one of its operatives, Joel Mutabazi was tried on charges of plotting to assassinate Rwanda’s Head of State and being an accomplice in acts of terrorism.

During the lengthy course of the trial, the Military High Court in Kigali heard how Mutabazi was to get a payment of US$50,000 from RNC to perpetrate the terrorist attack on the President.

The court sentenced him to life imprisonment for that offence, and a raft of other charges including complicity in grenade attacks and dissemination of harmful propaganda.

Further confirmation of the nature of RNC came in the form of a report by the UN Group of Experts on DRC issued on December 31, 2018.

The report described in great detail the terrorist activities of RNC, as the senior partner of the “P5” group in eastern DRC.

The report detailed RNC’s recruitment strategies, its training for war; its acquisitions of firearms and explosives.

“All these acts clearly were those of a terror group, no different than Al Shabaab or even Al Qaeda,” said a Kigali-based analyst.

Jean Paul Turayishimiye, who also happens to hold US permanent residence, is one of the RNC’s bigwigs – the mastermind of the RNC plots and terror attacks, going by his designation as “chief of intelligence”.

“It is unconscionable that Turayishimiye, a senior member of a group as dangerous as RNC that has been proven beyond doubt to be a terror organisation is operating freely in the US,” commented a Rwandan resident of the town of Lowell, Massachusetts.

“The US is known as a country that takes a strong stance against terrorism of all sorts, so it is hard to understand why someone like Turayishimiye has not been arrested,” added our source who requested anonymity in our interview by email.

An indepth investigation conducted by this newspaper has revealed the extent to which Turayishimiye is involved in the grenade attacks, and plots to destabilise Rwanda.

An example came to light when one Joseph Nshimiyimana aka Camarade, stood trial for his role in twin grenade attacks at Kicukiro Market, on September 13, 2013. That particular blast killed two people and injured six others. Nshimiyimana confessed that it was Jean Paul Turayishimiye that recruited him into RNC and gave him plans, funding and instructions to perpetrate the attack.

The same Jean-Paul Turayishimiye was the handler of Joel Mutabazi and his accomplice, one Cpl. Kalisa, in the failed assassination plot against the Head of State.

According to different sources, RNC’s main strategy was to attack the person of the Head of State during the 2017 presidential elections, “for maximum psychological effect”. The plan also involved destruction – with explosives – of “critical national infrastructure, causing an effect as if the government no longer was in control of the country.”

According to sources, Turayishimiye instructed clandestine RNC’s operatives in Kigali to gather information on social infrastructure like bridges and other strategic installations in and around Kigali. The plot was to attack different installations with high-powered explosives, during the same period – the 2017 presidential elections.

Training for these attacks, according to information we have pieced together, was to be carried out in one of the neighbouring countries. The training involved acquisition of skills in arson attacks using improvised explosive devices. Court documents of terror trials in Kigali indicate that recruitment of the grenade throwers or arsonists was the task of one Patrick Rukundo, a former double agent of FDLR ( remnants of the forces that committed the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, in which over a million people lost their lives) and RNC that was based in Kampala.

Rukundo used the advantage of Kampala as the de facto “first home” of RNC to build a network of RNC agents in Rwanda. This would come to light when Rukundo stepped onto Rwanda – thinking his identity was unknown – and got arrested. During his court trial, he confessed everything regarding the role of Jean Paul Turayishimiye.

According to information we have gathered, attacks during the elections were to be carried out in two phases: the blasts at the infrastructure installations and other targets, which would “pave way for more violent operations”, (the second phase). Sleeper cells were to carry out the “support activities” of disseminating tracts of misinformation, to further exacerbate the impression of confusion, disorder and disaffection with the administration.

The planning, transfer of payments to the operatives for their transportation and other needs, coordination with training cells in the neighbouring country, everything was the work of Turayishimiye.

All the plotting was disrupted before it could be carried out, with the agents of terror arrested well before they could hit a single installation or get anywhere near a high-profile individual.

But analysts say that has not stopped RNC, or Turayishimiye. This newspaper established that the latter still very much is scheming terror attacks inside Rwanda, while stepping up efforts for recruitment in the region for the RNC’s armed wing based in eastern DRC.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda.

To columnist Ssemogerere, Ugandan maize meal is more important than Rwandan lives

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Karoli Ssemogerere

Columnist Karoli Ssemogerere of The Daily Monitor – a newspaper that practically has become part and parcel of Museveni’s anti-Rwanda propaganda war – published an article on Thursday this week claiming he was calling for Rwanda and Uganda “to exercise maximum restraint on the border issue.”

In repeating the fallacious Kampala line that Rwanda “has closed the border” Ssemogerere once again betrays only elitist Ugandan mercantilist concerns. These are summed up in the complaint that Ugandan exporters are losing business in Rwanda.

Elitist Ugandans like Ssemogerere have willingly played into the hands of the Kampala regime and its misinformation organs by completely ignoring the moral and legal issue staring them in the face – the over a thousand Rwandan nationals languishing in Ugandan prisons, torture chambers and dungeons of Uganda’s intelligence agencies.

Reading Ssemogerere’s piece – whose last sentence, by the way, is “Please Rwanda stop pouring our maize meal in garbage”– one is left wondering: is this man merely ignorant of the abductions with no arrest warrants, the harassment, the rape and torture his government has been inflicting on Rwandan citizens? Or is the writer aware of that, yet goes ahead to express more concern for his country’s maize meal?

Throughout his entire article nowhere does Ssemogerere utter a single word on the issue of harassed, mistreated, even murdered Rwandans in Uganda. Rwandans are constantly arrested on accusations of “espionage”, others of “illegal entry” and yet others of “illegal weapons possessions”. They never are accorded a fair trial. They never are allowed consular visits.

All that somehow merits no mention by Ssemogerere. He glibly talks of “blood ties between Ugandans and Rwandans”; he mentions important individuals whose identities or past are linked to one or the other country, and so on – all to support his admonitions “to exercise restraint”.

In doing so, the Monitor’s columnist is no different than most Ugandan journalists and media organs. They are all bent on ignoring the plight of those Rwandans in Ugandan prisons and in the clutches of the inhuman CMI, why?

Do Ssemogerere and his counterparts think the Rwandans that Ugandan authorities dump at the borders by the dozens are lying and have not been in inhuman detention? Do they think Moses Ishimwe Rutare – who was abducted in December 2018 when he stepped out of his church in Bugolobi to take a call on his phone and was taken after he accidentally strolled near CMI chief Abel Kandiho’s house – had tortured himself after he appeared very haggard in newspaper pictures, saying it was CMI that did it?

Judging by its egregious failure to investigate the Ugandan state for its proven crimes against innocent citizens of a neighbor state, it is obvious the so-called Fourth Estate of Uganda has become compromised by the Museveni regime, and become fully complicit in its moral corruption. It is far more concerned in establishing false equivalences between Kampala and Kigali, echoed in claims such as Ssemogerere’s that “both sides should exercise restraint”.

The central question here is, what exactly has Kigali done to Uganda to deserve a share of this mealy-mouthed heckling? From all the evidence, nothing.

Ugandans visit, live and work in Rwanda. They dominate areas of the economy like motor vehicle repair. Ugandans are employed by the hundreds as teachers in Rwanda and have jobs in workshops in different industries in different sectors.

No Ugandan in Rwanda is ever abducted, which is as it should be. No Ugandan in Rwanda ever has concocted charges hurled at him or her, then tortured. Members of the security organs do not violate the rights of Ugandans.

Even more incredible in the false equivalency games of Ugandan media is how they behave as if the 800 pound gorilla in the sitting room simply isn’t there: namely Kampala’s support and facilitation of groups bent on destabilizing Rwanda.

By now only the completely deaf and blind are unaware that RNC and FDLR, groups that have been proven to commit acts of terror in Rwanda, have the full and unreserved backing of Museveni and his state organs.

On the other hand, how have Ugandan elites – specifically those that play Museveni’s propaganda games for him, whether wittingly or not – handled the fact Rwanda backs no groups, zero, seeking to destabilize Uganda? They have shifted their blame-Rwanda rhetoric to a higher gear.

The upshot? They are a huge part of the problem.

This is how the likes of Ssemogerere only show concern for maize meals over endangered Rwandan lives.

CMI agents attempted to cut off the manhood of a Rwandan pastor

By admin

Deported 20 give testimony of some of the most harrowing torture of Rwandans to date, by Ugandan military intelligence

By Jackson Mutabazi

Jean de Dieu Singirankabo.

The stories of the 20 Rwandans that Uganda deported on Wednesday this week are particularly hair-raising, even when one is used to the testimonies of victims of torture by Uganda’s security agencies.

Operatives of CMI, Ugandan military intelligence, attempted to cut off the penis of one of the deported men, Jean de Dieu Singirankabo – a pastor with the Uganda mission of the ADEPR Church. That happened during a torture session just a few days ago in the dungeons of CMI’s headquarters at Mbuya Military Barracks, the pastor disclosed.

Rwandan victims of CMI have described suffering Taliban-style water boarding, emersion in ice water, electric shock, and beatings in the agency’s dungeons and “safe houses”. This is the first time this website has interviewed anyone whose manhood they tried to hack off. Singirankabo is taking strong painkillers. He is in great pain. He currently is hospitalized. They tortured him saying ADEPR – whose headquarters is in Rwanda – is “full of Rwandan spies”.

Pastor Singirankabo says he told the CMI people he, and his fellow pastors and churchgoers are only doing the Lord’s work, nothing else. But the CMI people were only intent on torture. When they arrested him – the usual lawless abduction by which they take Rwandans – they showed him no evidence of the alleged spying. “Our only crime is that we are Rwandans,” said the pastor.

This desperation of CMI who ‘smell Rwandan spies everywhere’, to the extent they are doing things as inhuman as what they did to Singirankabo has left many asking themselves: what is the true source of Kampala’s fears?

“This obsession of Uganda’s CMI with “Rwandan spies” is far beyond what would be normal precautions of a state against spying,” said an analyst. “It is the clearest indication that the Museveni regime is truly scared something really serious could be discovered!” he deducted.

Evidence is everywhere that Kampala is the main sponsor of the RNC terror group of fugitive Kayumba Nyamwasa.

There are the 46 individuals that were intercepted at Kikagati en-route to DRC in December 2017. They were travelling on forged papers. When interrogated they confessed they were recruits of RNC, headed to training camps in DRC that it was CMI that recruited them and provided the forged papers. The UN Group of Exerts Report on DRC, released in December 2018, heavily implicated Uganda in identical recruitment activities for the so-called “P5” anti-Rwanda rebel groups.

In Kampala, when RNC bigwigs arrive they are accorded treatment like visiting dignitaries, according to eyewitnesses. RNC Chief financier Tribert Rujugiro is assigned protocol almost similar to a head of state. When in Kampala he has teams of security flanking him everywhere, and moves around in convoys. Rujugiro has set up a tobacco-processing plant in Arua – Salem Saleh is a 15 percent shareholder – that only is a front for RNC operations in Uganda.

“Rujugiro is a well known tax-dodging fraudster – he was arrested by UK Police and had a bracelet fastened on his leg – yet he is doing business in Uganda, why?” asked a Kampala-based financial journalist that requested anonymity to speak freely.

In 2007 South Africa issued an arrest warrant for the RNC chief financier when he defrauded the government of US$ 7 million, leading to the arrest in UK. “That alone is clear evidence that the things Museveni’s people have been saying, that Rujugiro is a good investor, supporting Arua farmers and benefitting the Ugandan economy are lies to cover up something really fishy,” added the journalist.

There can no longer be any doubt of Uganda’s backing of RNC, going by all the evidence, not least the lavish space Ugandan state media gives RNC leaders to air their propaganda; the “accidental” meetings in State House and the like. Observers say the only question now is, what else is Kampala so fearful will be discovered?

Educated speculation is that RNC and FDLR have training camps in Uganda itself. “It is quite possible they are training for their planned war against Rwanda perhaps even in places in Kampala itself!” some say. That is why they have stepped up the arrests of innocent Rwandans, and the torture has become more draconian.

“When they took us to Mbuya they threw hoods over our heads and beat us. At Mbuya there were very many Rwandans there, naked and on the floors,” said Singirankabo. “Others were in the basement from where we would hear crying.”

He says that amongst their torturers were people that spoke fluent Kinyarwanda. It was while there that one of the operatives took a knife and did the inhuman thing to him.

CMI’s torture of Rwandans has a recognizable pattern now. Operatives in groups of four or five approach a Rwandan. They ask him who he is, and before he knows what is going on, they have surrounded him and pushed him into a vehicle. Once inside they shove a hood over one’s head so that he or she won’t know where they are going.

But before they set off they first search the victim’s pockets or bags, immediately pocketing any money they find. They go through one’s phone, ask him for the mobile money pin number, and carry out a transaction to withdraw all the money on it. Then they drive off with the hooded, handcuffed victim. Torture of all kinds goes on at CMI: beatings, shock with electric wires, emersion in ice cold water, and starvation. Now cutting off body parts has been added to the list.

Hategekimana Silas one of the deported 20 said one of the biggest problem for innocent Rwandans is posed by RNC agents that work with CMI. They are establishing a policy that the only safe Rwandan in Uganda is the one that says bad things about Rwanda. “There is a terrible evil going on in Uganda that only God can stop!” said Hategekimana. “How can a country allow some few people like that to cause such hatred in people,” asked the middle-aged man who breaks down in tears when he thinks of what he has seen.

He said one of the main reasons Ugandan security agencies torture Rwandans is to force them to join the army of Nyamwasa. “If you refuse to do that you are in serious trouble. They will be beating you with electric wires!” But, he added, “I would rather die than join that evil group!”

Silas says they abducted him from Entebbe. “They arrested me illegally,” he says. But, he added that he believes the Rwandan government’s outspokenness on the matter helped a lot in getting them released, “because the government has been speaking out a lot.”

Hategekimana disclosed that even people that joined RNC or FDLR are deserting and coming back to Uganda. Unfortunately for them, some were abducted and taken to CMI detention. “I spoke with some of them in the dungeons,” says Silas. “They said it is better to do everything to desert RNC because there is nothing good in war without a cause. They would rather die escaping!”

But CMI, working with RNC agents, have stepped up their recruitment-by-abduction strategy. Hategekimana disclosed that Ugandan agents have been abducting hundreds of young Rwandans from universities all over Kampala and elsewhere. They have abducted many and brought them to CMI with accusations of “spying”, added the pastor.

“These illegal detentions, mistreatment and deportations are the reason the Government of Rwanda advised its citizens not to travel to Uganda,” said Olivier Nduhungirehe, Minister of State in Charge of the East African Community. “We continue to call on Uganda to halt all collaboration with terrorist groups hostile to Rwanda including RNC, and instead use lawful means to bring to justice any Rwandan that may be suspected of breaking the law,” added the minister.

Hundreds of Rwandans still languish in Ugandan prisons, never having stood trial, or had a chance to defend themselves in any way.

Rwanda welcomes over 20 citizens deported from Uganda, urges end to ‘illegal arrests, torture’

By admin

By Times Reporter

State Minister, Nduhungirehe and the 20 Rwandans who were deported from Uganda.

The Government has welcomed more than 20 Rwandans who it says were deported Wednesday from Uganda, where they had been illegally detained.

In a statement released late Wednesday, Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe, the Minister of State in charge of the East African Community, “expressed his sympathy to the deported Rwandans and their families for the pain and difficulties they faced.”

“These illegal detentions, mistreatment and deportations is the reason the Government of Rwandan advised our citizens not to travel to Uganda,” he said.

“We continue to call on Uganda to halt all collaboration with terrorist groups hostile to Rwanda including RNC, in targeting, illegally detaining, and torturing Rwandans and instead use lawful means to bring to justice any Rwandans suspected of breaking the law,” he added.

Kigali reiterated that the latest deportation of Rwandan nationals by Uganda is not an isolated case.

“The fate of hundreds of Rwandans, whose names are known to the Government of Uganda, who have been killed, arrested, incarcerated without consular access and tortured, nor the close to one thousand illegally deported to Rwanda in inhumane conditions has never been addressed by Uganda, though repeatedly brought up by Rwanda through diplomatic channels,” the statement reads in part.

The statement did not provide any details about the identities of those deported, or how long they had been in custody, but Wednesday’s deportations are the largest group of Rwandans deported from Uganda at once over the last couple of months.

Until this particular case, individual or small groups of Rwandans were being dumped at the border by Ugandan authorities.

While the latest arrivals have yet to talk to the media, previous deportees have told tales of inhumane treatment and torture at the hands of Uganda’s security forces, especially intelligence agents and operatives linked to Rwandan terror group RNC.

RNC was created by Rwandan fugitives, including former senior military officers wanted in Rwanda over terrorism-related cases for which they were tried in absentia and sentenced to varied jail terms. The group is linked to a spate of fatal grenade attacks that rocked the capital Kigali about 10 years ago.

Uganda has also been linked to other anti-Kigali armed groups, including FDLR, the offshoot of forces and militia largely blamed for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, and FLN, which last year made incursions on Rwandan territory through Burundi, killing at least nine civilians and wounding several others.

Uganda’s support to a myriad of Rwandan rebel groups has partly been revealed by senior FDLR and FLN leaders who were arrested within the last six months and are appearing before courts of law.

A UN report of experts released in December also said Uganda was a major source of new recruits for ‘P5’, a coalition that brings together different Rwandan rebel groups led by RNC’s Kayumba Nyamwasa. Nyamwasa is based in South Africa.

Kampala has rejected the accusations and claimed it arrests those involved in espionage and other illegal activities — although most of those deported said they were never charged in court.

However, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni admitted in a letter to his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame in March to “accidentally” meeting in his office RNC officials.

The New Times / Rwanda

How Museveni’s vulnerability at home dragged Uganda and Rwanda to conflict

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By Albert Rudatsimburwa

On June 8, 2019, Uganda’s The Daily Monitor carried a story by Ugandan journalist Angelo Izama entitled, “How clashes of class, egos drag Uganda and Rwanda to conflict.”

Mr. Izama attempts to situate the current episode in the context of a broader protracted structural conflict of the Banyarwanda-Bahima rivalry dating as far back as the 1980s NRA bush war that brought President Museveni to power in January 1986.

Izama’s analysis has two fundamental flaws that ultimately lead him to spurious conclusions.

His reading of the current crisis clearly lacks factual knowledge and he takes on face value the interpretation of history by the “academic and NRM intellectual.”

Facts on the current crisis

Izama falls in the trap of Museveni propagandists who place former IGP, Gen Kale Kayihura, at the centre of the problems between Rwanda and Uganda.

He argues that during Kale’s reign, a close relationship had developed between the police forces of both countries so much so that Rwanda was allowed to conduct “renditions” of its enemies from Uganda. “Rwanda had penetrated deep into Kampala’s security establishment,” Izama writes.

The author does not give a single example of the “renditions” that Kigali conducted from Uganda. It is in the same way he casually repeats pro-Museveni propaganda that Rwanda closed its borders with Uganda.

When pressed on the fact that two out of three borders have always been fully operational and Gatuna was only partially barred – to heavy trucks – due to ongoing mutually agreed construction by the two countries, Ugandan officials and commentators simply ignore the inconvenient facts and just continue repeating the same untruth.

Similarly, when pressed to name the people who have suffered Rwandan “renditions” as a result of Kayihura’s purported complicity with Rwanda, they point to Lt Joel Mutabazi, who was legally repatriated to Rwanda and tried on terrorist charges in an open court – unlike the hundreds of Rwandans who are languishing in CMI secret cells across Uganda without access to consular support, to lawyers, or to hear the charges against them and then be given the opportunity to defend themselves in court.

There is something important to understand when it comes to the repatriation of Mutabazi, and this is an inconvenient fact Izama dances around. He writes that the security cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda had “flourished” during Kale’s reign as IGP. However, for any relationship to flourish, there has to be an element of reciprocity.

There was plenty of that. Uganda Police and Rwanda Police are signatories to the 13-member East African Police Chiefs Organization Cooperation (EAPCCO) framework agreement that, among other areas of cooperation, required mutual repatriation of fugitives in the member states. Additionally, the Uganda Police Force (UPF) and the Rwanda National Police (RNP) had a similar bilateral cooperation arrangement.

Indeed, like Izama observes, the relationship flourished and involved the repatriation of stolen cars, cash, and at one point Rwanda repatriated cattle belonging to Ugandans.

It was mutual. However, Uganda benefited the most when it came to repatriating fugitives: more than 26 Ugandan fugitives – including Shanita Namuyimbwa aka Bad Black – were apprehended in Rwanda and sent to Uganda to face justice. In turn, Rwanda received only 9 fugitives from Uganda.

It was beyond just Kale. For instance, the handover of Mutabazi to Rwanda was done by Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba.

Why the story of the official handing him over changed from Muhoozi to Kale will become obvious as you read.

Most importantly, the only way Izama’s argument that the repatriation of fugitives from Uganda was only possible because “Rwanda had penetrated deep into Kampala’s security establishment,” can hold is if the argument is applied equally to the repatriation of fugitives from Rwanda to Uganda.

In other words, that the repatriation of twice as many Ugandans from Rwanda was possible only because Uganda had penetrated deep into Kigali’s security establishment.

Uganda’s internal weaknesses

Much as Izama feeds on pro-Museveni propaganda, he shows signs that he could have addressed the real problem had he really wanted.

For instance, he observes that this close relationship was torn apart due to some internal challenges that Uganda happened to be facing that “had nothing to do with Rwanda.”

What were these domestic problems and, most importantly, if these domestic challenges had nothing to do with Rwanda, why did the authorities find it necessary to drag Rwanda into them?

“They included embarrassingly high levels of crime that shamed the police establishment and was politically dangerous to President Museveni,” Izama observes, before proceeding to make the most important revelation: It is Uganda’s “fragile transitional politics that made Gen Kayihura’s status as the centre-piece of security decision making untenable.”

A fragile domestic front – “that had nothing to do with Rwanda” – had exposed the weakness of the system and threatened Museveni politically.

At this point Izama could have ended his article because, already, he had made an important contribution to understanding the trigger of this current episode of the on-and-off conflict between Uganda and Rwanda.

External pressure

Museveni’s reaction to the internal pressure that has been piling up since the 2016 presidential elections had gradually turned off his external “diplomatic assets” and undermined the pursuit of his post-2016 foreign policy goals.

Again, Izama allows himself to be influenced by the pro-Museveni propaganda in how he interprets the post-2016 events.

A key outcome of the elections was the discovery on the part of Museveni of how much he had become unpopular, even amongst the rural masses. The open discontent in the cities and towns was palpable.

Further, the entry of the People Power Movement as a political force to reckon with made an already vulnerable Museveni panicky.

The “spiralling violent crime” around the country is one way he decided to deal with the political vulnerabilities on the domestic front.

Over this time, a systematic assassination of perceived political opponents went into full gear: the murder of prominent Muslim clerics, senior state prosecutor Joan Kagezi, Gen Aronda Nyakairima, AIGP Andrew Kaweesi, Sheikh Major Mohammed Kiggundu, SSP Mohammad Kirumira, MP Ibrahim Abiriga, etc.

The brutal torture of Hon Francis Zaake and Hon Robert Kyagulanyia (better known as Bobi Wine), more than anything else, hurt Museveni’s foreign policy goals and compromised his “diplomatic assets” at the United Nations and the European Union.

The problem is, as Izama notes, “a purely Ugandan question.” Most importantly, how this situation would trigger – rather than use as pretext – the “subsequent reorganisation of the police, the wider military intelligence sector” as a means of “helping to rebalance the foreign policy position and take control of spiralling violent crime” is rather preposterous.

What is inescapable is that the vulnerabilities at home and abroad needed a local and foreign scapegoat and Kale’s “centre-piece” status made him the perfect fall-guy to deliver the ideal scapegoat – Rwanda.

Rwanda blindsided

Much as Uganda has the “freedom to organise its affairs” how the once flourishing security relations of the two countries suddenly turned into a policy of scapegoating for internal political vulnerabilities caught Rwanda by surprise.

Kigali was especially blindsided by the dusting-off of officers, whose only reputation since the NRA bush war period, as Izama notes, is their hatred of Rwandans.

This coterie became the new “centre-piece of security decision making.” Rwanda protested to Uganda, in the mistaken belief that the spirit of cooperation still existed.

It was flat out ignored. What Rwanda had, up to that point, perceived as a minor misunderstanding that could be corrected with due time took a radical turn as Gen Henry Tumukunde, Gen Elly Tumwine, and Salim Saleh’s former escort Abel Kandiho began to implement a policy of hostility.

This signalled to Kigali that the “reorganisation” was a deliberate and substantive, not an incidental, policy shift.

However, Uganda soon showed its hand with the emergence of Kayumba Nyamwasa’s Rwanda National Congress (RNC) as a key partner in this security reorganisation that Kigali perceived as constituting an open declaration of aggression by Kampala.

That Museveni decision raised the “misunderstanding” to the high stakes crisis that it is today.

The prelude had blown onto the scene fortuitously about six months prior to Gen Kayihura’s arrest. On December 11, 2017, 46 RNC recruits were intercepted at the Kikagati border on their way to the terrorist group’s training centre in Minembwe, South Kivu, DRC.

Border immigration officials became suspicious of the fake travel documents they were carrying and the conflicting stories about where they were heading.

The officials called the police whose efforts to apprehend the suspects faced resistance from accompanying CMI officers who insisted that they were acting on “orders from above.”

The centre-piece he was, Kayihura prevailed over Kandiho and had his officer at the scene, Colonel Ndahura, apprehend the suspects at Isingiro police post.

After a brief interrogation, they confessed to CMI facilitation of the travel documents and the fake stories they were to tell immigration officials.

On March 25, 2018, in a joint press conference with President Kagame who had gone to Uganda to prevent a crisis, President Museveni admitted that his security forces had indeed facilitated these recruits, “A group of Banyarwanda was being recruited through Tanzania and Burundi to go to Congo. They said they were going for church work, but when they were interrogated it was found the work wasn’t exactly religious. It was something else,” Museveni told journalists.

This embarrassing interception by Uganda Police of RNC recruits facilitated by CMI signalled the end of Kale Kayihura. During his arrest three months later, twenty six of his subordinates who had at one point or another intercepted RNC movements were apprehended.

They remain in military confinement. In other words, their crime was never the repatriation of Rwandans as pro-Museveni propaganda has Izama thinking.

On the contrary, going after a “centre piece” was essential in Museveni’s quest for a scapegoat – at home and abroad – to stave off his domestic troubles that had his hold on power slipping.

The members of the triumvirate “centrepiece” – some out in the cold for decades of being ignored – began to outdo each other competing for attention and bigger operational budgets.

Whoever the RNC would point to they would arrest and ask questions later. Ironically, it was the RNC, rather than Kigali’s security agencies, that now truly became embedded into Uganda’s Security Establishment, even arresting people without the presence of any of the formal organs, as victims of torture have testified time and again.

As more and more victims of torture began to trickle in, Rwanda had seen more than it needed to. It issued a very strong advisory to its citizens against travelling to Uganda.

Whereas the first part of Izama’s analysis is merely misinformed, the second part is rather regrettable. For one thing, he draws heavily on the erroneous interpretation of history in the writing of someone he already known to be an “NRM academic and intellectual,” whose perspectives – like those of the pro-Museveni propagandists that informed his analysis in the first part – he takes on face value.

Izama and the NRM academic he bases his interpretation of the historical facts on take for granted that Museveni should have a right to export his “view of state building” to Rwanda.

However, Rwanda’s ‘stubborn refusal’ of Museveni’s vision means it has “resented [it] as a basis for their partnership and then violently rejected in Kisangani,” Izama writes with no sense of shame regarding such a preposterous proposition for a sovereign state.

Remarkably, Izama thinks that Rwanda should accept Museveni’s vision for it and still remain within a “separate but equal” partnership rather than nurture “a culture of competition where cooperation would be the most meaningful path,” he writes rather condescendingly, as if willing himself to forget the very reasons he has given for the collapse of the once “flourishing” security relations between the two countries.

Uganda and Rwanda would be in good terms if only it weren’t for “Mr. Kagame’s self-reliance and conviction,” attributes that make him a “complex character” and a “force of personality.” These attributes predispose Kagame to “a radical dedication to independent decision making.” This seems to square with Museveni’s complaint about Kagame, “he doesn’t listen to me,” he once told President Nyerere of Tanzania. Izama also thinks Kagame should.

In reality, Museveni’s need for scapegoats for failures on both domestic and international fronts, and his inability to accept that Rwanda can never be a Ugandan satrap are what is driving the ongoing hostility between the two countries.

A solution to walk back the tension lies entirely in Mr Museveni’s hands. It starts from accepting a simple fact: Both Uganda and Rwanda are sovereign states, each with its own national interests.

Their relationship, like all interstate relations, must be based on the need to cooperate for mutual benefit. No productive relations are possible where one believes it has a right to oversee how the other governs itself.

Nor should any leader believe dragging a neighbour into his country’s domestic politics as a scapegoat is conducive to productive bilateral relations.

Angelo Izama missed an excellent opportunity to bring out these key points in his analysis.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Rwandan who bribed his way back home from Ugandan jail speaks out

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By Times Reporter

The family of Moses Ishimwe Rutare, 33, a Rwandan national who had been kidnapped by Ugandan operatives in December last year, had to pay up to Ush2 million (about Rwf480,000) in what it says was a ransom for his return to Rwanda.

They say the money was paid to a state attorney, having previously paid another 18 million Ugandan Shillings in legal fees.

Ishimwe, who returned from Uganda on Thursday last week, and his elder brother Fred Irumva Rutare, were yesterday speaking to The New Times, months after the former was picked up by Uganda’s security agents from a church in Bugolobi, Kampala, where he had gone for prayers.

Ishimwe shortly after he was released from Luzira prison after his family bribed authorities on Thursday last week. His legs bear scars from torture by Ugandan security personnel. Courtesy.

He says he had been given bail after paying UgSh2m but was kept in Luzira maximum prison for three months until he was forced to pay another UgSh2m to a state attorney for his release last week.

In total, he says his family spent some 20 million Ugandan shillings (about Rwf4.8m) in legal fees, court charges, and bail surety fees.

The fees also included the acquisition of a habeas corpus order issued by the judge requiring the military to produce him before court.

He had appeared before the Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court in March.

“The judge ruled that he should be released with conditions only for his captors to keep him in jail until we were asked to cough up more money for his release and termination of the case,” Irumva said of his younger brother’s ordeal at the hands of Ugandan authorities.

Ishimwe was picked up from Bugolobi by operatives attached to Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) on December 24, 2018, he says.

He had travelled to Uganda two months earlier and granted a six-month stay by the country’s immigration authorities.

Trumped-up claims

However, he says his captors made up claims that he had illegally crossed into Uganda and was spying on the country. He would later be charged with illegal entry during his court appearance in March.

“I have never been involved in any political activity and never held any public office,” he says.

Ishimwe was born, raised and studied in Uganda.

At the time of his arrest he was working with a Christian ministry.

He says he was brutally and psychologically tortured, was seriously beaten, and threatened with death.

Immediately after his arrest in December he was taken to CMI headquarters in Mbuya, Kampala where he was illegally detained and tortured, he says.

“In Mbuya I was clobbered with cables and tortured by security agents who were forcing me to admit to trumped-up claims,” he says.

While there, he says he fell sick and was regularly throwing up as a result of mistreatment.

Soon the operatives realised that his situation was worsening and decided to transfer him to Kireka Police Station in Kampala, from where he was taken to hospital.

Later, he was transferred to Luzira maximum prison.

It was from Luzira that he would later appear before the judge.

How he was kidnapped

Ishimwe says he was kidnapped by plain-clothed agents during an end-of-year event at a church in Bugolobi.

“I had gone out to answer a call from my mother only to be approached by a stranger who started asking me who I was and what I was doing,” he recalls.

Surprised, he asked the man who he was himself and why he was questioning him.

Amid the exchange, six armed men appeared from nowhere and forced him into a car. Off they drove away. To a destination he says he later came to learn was Mbuya military barracks.

Many Rwandans who have been deported from Uganda in recent months have disturbing memories of their ordeal at Mbuya.

Many other Rwandans remain unaccounted for after going missing during visits to Uganda, with fears they may be languishing in ungazetted detention facilities, otherwise known as ‘safe houses’.

In Ishimwe’s case, his disappearance was first reported by his Ugandan wife, prompting his family and Rwanda’s embassy in Kampala to intervene.

Ishimwe is known to be part of the team that organises the popular “Blankets and Wine” social events.

In a related development, Foreign Affairs minister Dr Richard Sezibera said yesterday that Rwanda’s travel advisory to its nationals against traveling to Uganda still stood.

He was speaking to The New Times a day after Rwanda Revenue Authority announced that it had temporarily opened the Gatuna border crossing to heavy trucks having earlier partially closed the border to allow for construction of the one-stop border post.

Rwanda accuses Uganda of harassing, arresting and torturing its nationals with the help of Rwandan dissidents it says are facilitated by Ugandan authorities to recruit fighters and conduct subversive activities with view to destabilise Rwanda.

Several deported Rwandans have said they had been threatened with death for rejecting efforts to recruit them into dissident network, mainly run by individuals linked to the RNC terror group.

Travel advisory to Uganda still stands, says Sezibera

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By The New Times

Sezibera addresses senators in Kigali yesterday.

Rwanda’s advisory that warns its citizens against travelling to Uganda still stands, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation has said.

The clarification came after Rwanda announced on Sunday temporary re-opening of Gatuna border for heavy trucks.

In an interview with The New Times on Monday, Richard Sezibera said the Gatuna border with Uganda has re-opened for heavy trucks in order to test facilities at the border following the construction of a one-stop border post, but Rwandans should continue to heed the travel advisory for their own safety.

The minister spoke to this newspaper from Parliamentary Buildings in Kigali, shortly after he met senators for a session focused on explaining the Government’s foreign policy on promoting trade and investment.

“The travel advisory has not changed. The travel advisory says that ‘you are strongly advised not to travel to Uganda’. That hasn’t changed,” he said.

At the beginning of March this year, the Government advised Rwandans not to go to Uganda because their security was not guaranteed in that country.

“Rwandans are arrested, tortured, and harassed in Uganda; this is an issue we have raised with Uganda many times at different levels. Those that are not arrested, harassed, and detained are deported for reasons which we don’t understand,” Sezibera told this newspaper in March.

Rwandan officials say that Ugandan authorities have arrested scores of Rwandan citizens for unclear reasons and have deported or denied entry to hundreds of others since January 2018.

Rwanda’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, revealed in a tweet late last month that Rwanda was pleading for the release of about a hundred of its citizens languishing in Uganda’s jails, mostly ungazetted.

Meanwhile, the foreign minister emphasised that Rwanda’s foreign policy on trade and investment will focus more on involving members of the private sector to take advantage of trade opportunities in other countries.

He told senators in the session about the Government’s foreign policy on the promotion of trade and investment, known as economic diplomacy strategy, that there is need for members of the private sector to work more closely with the Government to state where they need help.

Government will focus efforts at facilitating Rwandan businesses on how they can take advantage of the opportunities abroad, he said.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Rwanda’s professional treatment of Ugandan suspect exposes Ugandan agencies

By admin

By Gasimba Moise

In the Museveni regime’s ongoing propaganda war against Rwanda, Kampala’s Daily Monitor newspaper has tried to exploit an investigation by Rwandan law enforcement authorities of a Ugandan, to insinuate “Rwanda has done something wrong”. The paper first published an alarmist article, Horizon Bus Company Manager detained in Rwanda”, last Friday.

It once again showed that any event, even the most insignificant, will be exploited by Ugandan Media most of which have been assimilated into Kampala’s hostile, anti-Rwanda strategy, analysts observe. The brief is to misrepresent everything possible so as to heap blame for the current strained relations between the two countries on Rwanda.

Hence the Daily Monitor’s last article on the release of Emmanuel Sebuzuru, the manager of the Horizon Bus Company in the Ugandan town of Kisoro. Rwandan investigative authorities on Wednesday, 5 May, took the gentleman in for questioning in relation to a large sum of money he was carrying, according to sources.

Interestingly, some in Uganda, including media like the Monitor, began alleging that Sebuzuru was kidnapped. “Perhaps Ugandans, because they are used to the criminal behavior of their own organs such as CMI (military intelligence), think all other countries’ agencies behave like that!” commented a Rwandan security observer.

But, according to Sebuzuru himself, Rwandan investigators are professionals that do their work in a courteous, professional manner.

“While in detention I was treated as a diplomat because nobody harmed me or took away any of my belongings,” Sebuzuru told Ugandan media. That was after he went back to Kisoro, following a quick, efficient investigation by the Rwanda Police that established he had nothing wrong.

Sebuzuru said, “I was driven in a police vehicle to Gatuna Border (on Saturday, 8) with instructions to the border security personnel to help me cross to Uganda without being harmed or disturbed by anybody.” The Rwanda Police had conducted its investigation in a speedy process and released the suspect after it turned out there was no reason to detain him any longer. That is how Rwanda does things, everyone that has dealt with its institutions testifies.

In the case of Sebuzuru as in all others, all legal procedures were respected. Even the Daily Monitor had no choice but to report this fact, in a second story under the headline, “Arrested Horizon Bus Company Manager Released from Rwanda”.

Yet the paper went ahead to invent details to make it seem that “Ugandan authorities had intervened”, including State Minister for Regional Cooperation Philemon Mateke, whom they claim “did amplified advocacy for the release of the arrested bus manager.” This is the same Mateke that, it has been reported, coordinated meetings that brought together officials of FDLR and RNC, groups whose stated goal is to bring war to Rwanda.

But whatever they say, this newspaper – Monitor – and others cannot take away the fact Rwandan institutions treated a Ugandan fairly and professionally, and Rwandan institutions respect the rights of the thousands of Ugandans that travel here and work here, said a Kigali-based commentator. That is completely unlike the treatment reserved to Rwandan nationals when arrested by the likes of CMI, ISO and other Ugandan agencies.

Countless media reports both in Rwanda and the region have detailed the inhuman treatment Ugandan security agencies have meted out innocent Rwandans. CMI, chiefly and mainly, but also ISO, Uganda Immigration (which they have militarized in the past half year) and others routinely harass Rwandan nationals.

They arrest them on charges of “illegal entry” even when it is perfectly clear this is in violation of EAC Common Market Protocols – on freedom of movement of people, labor and goods – of which Uganda is one of the first signatories. Ugandan security authorities accuse Rwandans of “espionage” and abduct them, but never try a single one in court. They arrest others on “illegal weapons possessions” charges but never prove a single one of the charges.

After abducting so many innocent Rwandans they wrongfully detain them in unknown places. These people are denied their right to consular visits by officials of their country’s embassy. The Rwandan High Commissioner in Kampala has many times written notes verbale, to complain about this breach of international norms. But, according to officials of the High Commission, Ugandan authorities only ignore them.

Very many Rwandans – those lucky enough to be released from CMI custody – describe the inhuman torture meted out to Rwandans, “whose only crime is that they are Rwandan!”

It is estimated that well over a thousand Rwandan nationals are incarcerated in different prisons all over Uganda on concocted charges, doing hard labor and enduring beatings. Over a hundred are in detention at CMI’s headquarters, Mbuya Barracks, suffering terrible physical abuse.

But Sebuzuru is not languishing in a torture dungeon in Rwanda. That did not stop the Monitor from insinuating that his could result in “reprisals against innocent Rwandan citizens living in or traveling to Uganda.”

In any case, does it need any Ugandan’s arrest in Rwanda for criminal-behaving Ugandan agents abducting and mistreating Rwandans! Wondered a commentator.

Museveni has decided to support and give backing to groups determined to destabilize Rwanda, which means that too is his policy, “therefore they will keep mistreating Rwandans,” he added.

Angelo Izama Confirms What Is Already Known: Museveni’s Unrelenting Desire To Control Rwanda

By admin

By KT Press Staff Writer

On Saturday, June 8, 2019, the Ugandan journalist Angelo Izama wrote in the Daily Monitor an article titled “How clashes of Egos drag Uganda and Rwanda to conflict.”

The article is part of a series of publications in Uganda’s newspapers that illustrate the misrepresentation of the current dispute between the two countries by the Ugandan intellectual elites and their constant refusal to tackle the real causes of the conflict.

Accordingly, the facts have become secondary and historical manipulations – as well as fallacious reasoning tending to establish a moral equivalence between the parties in conflict – are made to flourish.

First of all, the idea that the current conflict can be considered as an ego war must be rejected because it is based only on perceptions and not on proven facts.

The facts are stubborn. In 2001, Winnie Byanyima accused President Museveni of supporting elements of the FDLR in their belligerent project against Rwanda.

Uganda has more than once facilitated the flight of Rwandan military officers wanted by courts in their country. The Ugandan government has not only sabotaged efforts to build a railway linking Mombassa to Kigali that would have opened up Rwanda and reduced the cost of imports, but also it attacked Rwandan exporters who were hauling their goods (Milk or mining products) through Uganda. These are part of actions that have resulted in economic losses for Rwanda.

It is worth repeating that since 1998, the Ugandan government has intermittently led an indirect military war as well as an economic war against Rwanda.

Far from recognizing these facts and integrating them into the search for a solution, some Ugandan intellectuals are trying as best as they can to justify the hostile actions of their government against Rwandan nationals in Uganda.

Unsurprisingly, Mr. Izama argues that the Ugandan security services were infiltrated by Rwandan agents at a time when cooperation between the two countries had resumed.

But as Andrew Mwenda points out in his article “Kayihura, Kagame, Museveni”, in this arrangement between the two countries, Rwanda handed over 26 suspects to the Ugandan authorities, whereas Uganda handed over only 9. If cooperation has led to the infiltration of Ugandan security services, why does one feel that it is Uganda that has benefited the most?

Can we use the same argument to say that the reason such conditions prevailed was because Ugandan intelligence had infiltrated their Rwandan counterparts? If so were Ugandans similarly harassed, arrested or tortured in Rwanda?

Why are Rwandan nationals detained and tortured by the CMI not brought before the courts? The only explanation for this is that Ugandan elites are involved in fallacious reasoning that is otherwise known by its technical term as propaganda.

The second point on which Angelo Izama focuses is the assertion that political systems and ideologies that characterize the two countries, and which would explain the tensions between them, differ on tolerance; it’s the claim that the NRM has a more integrational policy that characterizes its governance.

Again the erroneous reasoning fails to mention the facts: Rwanda is the only country where as many genocidaires live in peace with their victims, a country that has integrated a large number of its adversaries – the ex-FAR – into its defense forces. Rwanda has repatriated thousands of FDLR combatants as well as their families who are now living in the country peacefully and participating in its development.

The Ugandan government cannot claim more openness or tolerance as it invokes the right of pursuit in its war against Joseph Kony or the ADF, for example.

And, in any case, at no time did Rwanda undertake to support Joseph Kony or the ADF in the name of a political vision that she would try to impose on her neighbor.

The Rwandan president has never met, either intentionally or accidentally, emissaries of Joseph Kony or those of the ADF in this warped logic of imposition.

And if President Kagame ever came to do it, he would not invoke the right to choose friends as a justification meant to silence informal and official protests from a neighbor and an ally.

Consequently, the current conflict is not an ego war, but a tutelage project in which the Ugandan government and Museveni interfere in the internal affairs of a sovereign country where they intend to impose a leadership more friendly to their own interests.

This unmitigated pursuit seems to supersede all other considerations, such as the well-being of the people and good neighborliness. Any reasonable person would conclude that this reading is evident in each of their actions since the clashes in Kisangani.

It’s also apparently in the condescending attitude that Mr. Izama brings to his analysis of the problem between the two countries where he thinks Uganda – and Museveni in particular – is justified to seek to impose his NRA vision in a sovereign state.

Source: KT PRESS / RWANDA.

Investigation reveals CMI’s CommandPost smeared an innocent Rwandan with “thug” allegation.

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

The wife of a Rwandan citizen Jean Baptiste Kanyengoga – recently slandered in sections of Ugandan propaganda outlets as “a notorious thug” – has come out to say her husband is a law-abiding citizen who was in Uganda on business when they abducted him.

Kanyengoga has been running a successful business repairing electronics goods both in Musanze and Kisoro. Bagirishya Cecile said that earlier this week, Monday 3 June, “all of a sudden her husband found himself in serious trouble while in Kisoro, when he was arrested with no charges, no arrest warrants or any other legal procedure.

The following day one of the CMI, Uganda military intelligence-controlled websites and Twitter accounts, CommandPost assigned itself the role of prosecutor and judge and declared that police in Kisoro “had arrested a notorious Rwandan thug.” That was before a single court appearance of Kanyengoga, and without a single reading of charges.

“The treatment of this Rwandan citizen by Kisoro Police in that manner is very similar to the harassment countless Rwandan nationals have suffered in Uganda,” said a source from the border community in Musanze.

Cecile and her husband – who is currently illegally detained by Kisoro Police – are long-time residents of the town. Naturally, as with all border communities, people there have been carrying out cross-border trade, with Ugandans entering Rwanda freely and the other way round. Things were like that until very recently when the Museveni regime became actively hostile to Rwandans, according to people.

Kanyengoga is a skilled repairman and technician of electronic equipment like phones, TVs, fridges and others. He has been partnering with a Ugandan in their business, both benefitting from customers in communities from both sides of the border. Up to very recently Bagirishya had a restaurant in Kisoro. They worked in both countries but lived in Rwanda, a very common occurrence for border town residents. There are many Ugandans that do the same in Rwanda.

With the recent strong travel advisory by Rwandan authorities against citizens crossing to Uganda, Bagirishya closed her restaurant in Kisoro. But because Kanyengoga had to keep working to support the family he continued his cross-border trade, work he did every Monday and Thursday, until his terrible misfortune.

His wife and all his friends are in no doubt that this honest, law-abiding Rwandan citizen, has fallen victim to the hostility of the Museveni regime; a hostility which it has extended beyond the Rwandan government to ordinary, innocent Rwandan citizens. Most of these even have no idea about politics, according to analysts.

Cecile explains how her husband was arrested and pressured to buy his freedom. According to observers, this extortion is very much in line with the criminality of Ugandan security forces who – taking advantage of Kampala’s anti-Rwanda hostility – also target and victimize Rwandans, with a major goal to rob them of money and property.

After that, they frame them with charges, either that they have “illegally entered” Uganda, or that they are “spies”, or that they were in “illegal possession of weapons”. Now another false charge is entering the picture: “notorious thug!”

When they arrested Kanyengoga they gave him a phone to call his wife. He asked her to get 500,000 Ugandan Shillings, which he would pay as the price for his freedom. At the time of his arrest they confiscated all his money, Frw 200,000 (around 800,000 Shs). But they wanted more before they could release him. She raised the money, but thought it too dangerous to cross into Uganda. What if they abducted her too? Yet they have a child at home.

Her two contacts in Uganda were one gospel singer, and a Rwandan, Thomas Munyemana residing in Kisoro who worked in the same trade as her husband. On the phone the gospel singer confirmed that indeed it was 500,000 Shillings the authorities were asking for. Munyemana was skeptical. He quickly explained to her that Kanyengoga’s hopes for quick release were far-fetched.

Cecile told him that he should go to the police and tell Kanyengoga that she had the money with her. But she never found a way to get the money to her husband’s abductors, realizing that she would not be safe in Uganda. So the Kisoro police paraded her husband with its concocted story, which the CMI mouthpiece CommandPost and others then parroted.

Over the past couple of years, media reports as well as Rwandan authorities have detailed how several Rwandan nationals going to Uganda, or those already living there have suffered persecution at the hands of that regime’s security forces.

Rwandans are arbitrarily arrested and illegally jailed. In CMI torture chambers many are given impossible choices, to either join Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC in its enterprise to destabilize Rwanda, or suffer indefinite detention and torture. Kampala has given RNC every possible facilitation, including partnership with CMI as well as use of CMI facilities in its recruitment activities, targeting Rwandan nationals in Uganda for that, victimizing others with torture.

The wife of Jean Baptiste Kanyengoga says she can only kneel and pray to God, and hope her dear husband will survive whatever terrible situation he is facing now.

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