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Before yesterdayPolitics

The Rwanda-Uganda tension is a Museveni manufactured crisis

By admin

By The New Times

The nine Rwandans who were illegally deported from Uganda making their way to the Sub-Registry of the East African Court of Justice near the Supreme Court yesterday. This is the second group to petition the regional court over the mistreatment they suffered at the hands of the Ugandan security operatives.

Rwanda is expected to feature greatly in Uganda’s election campaigns. This is apparently the strategy President Museveni sees as the sure way of retaining the presidency in that country.

Ordinarily, he should be telling Ugandans about the progress that has been achieved under his more than 33-year rule. But he is not going to do this. If anyone was ever in doubt regarding his planned strategy heading into the 2021 elections, this doubt was removed by Kahinda Otafiire, his minister for justice and constitutional affairs, who last week launched Museveni’s nomination in Western Uganda with Rwanda central to his high-flying rhetoric.

Some have wondered what Museveni has to gain from his hostile stance towards Rwanda.

While his stance has served different purposes for over two decades, the present crisis is purposely to achieve one thing: to get him re-elected for a seventh term. In politics, when incumbents have trouble at home and cannot defend their domestic record, they turn to a foreign enemy. If they don’t have one, they create one. This way, the people can be rallied around their leader instead of opposing him.

This has been the target for the past two years or so when Museveni began to bait Rwanda by scheming with the Rwanda National Congress. Rwanda initially ignored the embrace between Museveni and Kayumba Nyamwasa.

But Museveni understood that as the election season gets closer, he would provide more overt support to the RNC and that eventually, Rwanda would have to pay attention, and possibly do something about it. In turn, he would have gotten Ugandans where he wants them: behind him.

Otafiire is only implementing the final phase of the strategy. Otafiire told a small gathering during a rally in southwestern Uganda that, “The NRM team is winning and should not be changed in 2021. But the team is under attack. Even fellow Africans don’t see the captain’s contribution. Instead, they want war; they close borders.”

This is a thinly veiled attack on Rwanda, suggesting that even the political opposition in Uganda has connived to with the enemy against ‘the Captain,” a similar reference to Museveni’s rhetoric of “removing the bean weevils,” that are used by the same forces.

If Museveni is successful in selling this rhetoric to Ugandans, then the opposition is in for a rough election season: He is psychologically preparing Ugandans for the violence he intends to wreak on the opposition in the belief that it is a small sacrifice to pay if the country is to be protected from foreign forces that want to take over.

Kahinda Otafiire told the small crowd that what is happening between Uganda and Rwanda is “a small conflict” that has elicited a disproportionate reaction from Rwanda. He was telling them that Rwanda is the aggressor, “when your brother’s cows eat your crops, you don’t butcher them or turn to war,” he continued to incite the crowd against Rwanda.

He failed to tell the crowd, however, that when you have a ‘little conflict’ with your brother, you don’t torture his children.

Museveni trusts Otafiire as a propagandist. Which explains why he is the one out there doing the trial phase to try to gauge whether the electorate will warm to the anti-Rwanda rhetoric and deliver the 2021 electoral victory. It is also no coincidence that the trial phase was taking place in southwestern Uganda.

This is where the effects of the Uganda-Rwanda crisis is most felt. The border economy on Uganda’s side has virtually collapsed as a result of Rwanda’s advisory against its nationals from visiting Uganda due to state-sponsored insecurity against them.

The residents around the towns of Kisoro and Kabale have been piling pressure on Museveni to do whatever he can to normalise relations with Rwanda; it can be expected that this pressure will loom large as the elections get closer and the residents begin to understand that they have something of value to trade against Museveni: their vote.

Museveni cannot cede to their demands to normalise relations with Rwanda. He is caught in a catch-22: He is losing substantial support in his former stronghold as the inhabitants suffer the impacts of the crisis, yet he needs the crisis in order to manipulate the country to vote for him.

The solution, therefore, is for him to incite the border residents further so that they turn their animosity away from him and towards Rwanda; or, he will have to sacrifice them and say to hell with their votes. The potential for radicalisation is what Otafiire was testing.

The Uganda-Rwanda tension is a Museveni manufactured crisis that he needs for political victory. The problem is that if it works, he will turn to it again in the pre-election period leading to 2026. At that point, Rwanda will be the gift that keeps on giving. As for the crisis, don’t expect it to end for as long as Museveni sees political mileage in it.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

CMI mouthpiece spins a tall tale around Rwandan youths solidarity camp

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

The CMI and RNC-run misinformation website and Twitter account collectively known as “Commandpost” were at it again this Tuesday when they published an anti-Rwanda piece – this one targeting Rwandan children that have been attending a solidarity camp.

“Another batch of Rwandan death squads passed, ready to terrorize Rwandan opposition worldwide,” Commandpost claimed, talking about a gathering of youths most of whom aren’t even of the age to vote. Just because this gathering mostly of teenagers – slightly over 500 of them from all over the Diaspora – have been attending a camp that included some basic military training, Commandpost is telling the world that these youths now are “death squads”.

Commandpost’s article goes on to paint a picture of them as if they are highly trained, crack “killers”, “just waiting to be unleashed”. The propagandist website alleges: “Rwanda has continuously militarily trained youths and later sends them abroad with the aim of destabilizing the region.”

Smears like these are indicative of the fact CMI people and their sidekicks, Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC, have long lost whatever little sense of shame they ever had, an analyst said. “First of all they write these outrageous lies, but then the falsehoods are so childish one wonders what they are even thinking!” the analyst added.

According to Commandpost, in order to “destabilize the region”, the Itorero Indangamirwa youths underwent the following training: “military courses, intelligence and counterterrorism”; “training models such as weaponry handling”; “military techniques – drills, ideas in close combat”; “intelligence gathering techniques”; “information warfare, relationship, trust-building techniques and political education”.

Commandpost also tells its readers, “The trainers select a few of the participants to stay behind to undergo ‘poison training course.’”

The author of this anti-Rwanda hit piece must have forgotten that readers perhaps have a brain and will easily see through most of the lies. The article says the youths underwent a training of five weeks. Is one supposed to believe that in this brief period the trainees became hardened, Mossad-like agents expert in weapons handling, intelligence gathering, counterterrorism, ‘information warfare’, ‘poisoning techniques, and so on, and so on?

Only Commandpost thinks so. “Maybe it (Commandpost) better go in search of better liars to write their articles for them!” said a reader after reading through the article. “How does one dream up such foolish fictions really? Training kids in five weeks to master things which professionals take years to master, all allegedly to destabilize the region?! In any case who else other than Museveni wants to destabilize the region?” one security analyst asked.

No other leader in the region is in bed with terrorist groups – RNC, FDLR, “P5” – whose goal is to destabilize a neighbor, Rwanda. That’s something that has been proven many times – including infamous incidents like when a group of young Rwandan men carrying forged Ugandan papers were intercepted at the Uganda, Tanzania border. They were enroute to RNC training camps in DRC, they said when questioned. Upon further questioning they revealed it was CMI agents that had provided them the forged papers.

Rwanda has never done anything anti-Ugandan like that. A UN report on DRC in December last year showed documented proof that Uganda is a major source of recruits to join RNC and the so-called P5 anti-Rwanda groups. Other than Rwanda, even the South Sudanese are complaining that Museveni is destabilizing their country by continuous meddling in their affairs!

Analysts with knowledge of psychology point to the Museveni regime’s lies against Rwanda as “projecting”. The way Museveni likes to accuse others of the very crimes he himself is guilty of; that’s projection in its purest terms, prominent Twitter commentator Mwene Kalinda often points out.

The latest Commandpost piece with the usual distortions, and projections of the crimes of Ugandan intelligence agencies on Rwanda also engages in dredging up old fictions such as the one that “Rwanda was behind the attempted coup against Pierre Nkurunziza.” Operating on the principle that when one repeats a lie enough times it becomes truth is a favorite ploy of CMI and RNC misinformation specialists.

They seem to imagine that everyone will forget that the bedlam in Burundi purely was the doing of Nkurunziza who in 2015, out of the blue announced he was awarding himself another term in office though his time was up. That prompted massive protests, which the Burundian leader responded to with mass killings. It made senior members of the Burundian military attempt a coup, “purely because of the chaos unleashed by Nkurunziza”.

“But trust these Kampala trolls to keep mudslinging Rwanda with this dirt!” said a Kigali security analyst.

The Indangamirwa youths that Commandpost drags in the mud completely know nothing of the CMI allegations against them. They were in the Itorero camp as an exercise in character building, in patriotism, in learning the values of their country – all which some basic military training does best. After that they went to their parents to spend some quality time with them.

CMI tall tales won’t change those facts.

Nine Rwandans sue Ugandan government

By admin

By The New Times

The nine Rwandans who were illegally deported from Uganda making their way to the Sub-Registry of the East African Court of Justice near the Supreme Court yesterday. This is the second group to petition the regional court over the mistreatment they suffered at the hands of the Ugandan security operatives.

A group of nine Rwandans have filed a lawsuit against the Ugandan government at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) seeking compensation for alleged arbitrary arrest, detention and torture by Ugandan security organs.

This is the second time in less than a month the Ugandan government is being sued over illegal arrest and torture. The case was filed at the EACJ Kigali Sub-registry in Kimihurura.

In June this year, a Rwandan couple and a teacher, through their Kigali-based lawyer Richard Mugisha, of Trust Law Chambers petitioned the same court, seeking reparations stemming from spending at least nine months in custody over what they claim were baseless accusations.

Flanked by their lawyer, Emmanuel Butare of MRB Attorneys’, the all-male group appeared at the East African Court of Justice Kigali office yesterday, where they recounted tales of alleged torture by the Ugandan security organs which has left some of them nursing lifetime injuries.

Three Rwandan deported from Uganda sit in the East African Court of Justice as they come to file a case in Kigali yesterday.

The group, which consists of mostly members of the Association of Pentecostal Churches in Rwanda (ADEPR) is yet to come to the conclusion of what they expect in terms of compensation.

Victims decry losses

When ADEPR’s Pastor Jean de Dieu Singirankabo moved to Uganda thirteen years ago, he straightway registered a church and a Non-Governmental Organisation which he named Munezero Foundation of Life. Their biggest focus was on supporting orphans.

“Everything flourished. Within that period, we opened several offices and we purchased equipment worth about $100,000, bought a fleet of cars to help with our work and purchased pieces of land for agriculture,” he said.

Pastor Jean de Dieu Singirankabo who was deported from Uganda ,speaks to media yesterday, He is among nine Rwandans who come to file a case.

Everything seemed to be going well until March this year when the arrests of Rwandans in Uganda became rampant.

“They arrested many members of our church. In May this year, the operatives appeared at my home and arrested me and some other six people from my family. They blindfolded us and handcuffed us and we were taken to CMI safe houses where we were severely beaten as we were being accused of being spies and plotting to overthrow the government,” he said.

Six weeks after their arrest, Singirankabo claims that he and a few others were handcuffed and blindfolded again before being dumped at the border and told never to come back to Uganda.

Nine rwandans who were deported from Uganda , captured here enter the East African Court of Justice to file a case in Kigali.

A few days later, with the help of the Rwandan High Commission in Uganda, their families were repatriated back to Rwanda.

“We have lost everything. I have to start over. What I want from the government of Uganda is justice for myself. I am a shell of my former self because I have permanent chest and rib cage pain from the torture. I also want them to release the others we left behind,” he said.

Uganda has lately been linked to several anti-Kigali armed groups, including FDLR, the offshoot of forces and militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, and FLN, which last year made incursions on Rwandan territory through Burundi, killing at least nine civilians and wounding several others.

A UN report of experts released in December last year said Uganda was a major source of new recruits for ‘P5’, a coalition that brings together different Rwandan rebel groups led by RNC’s Kayumba Nyamwasa, a Rwandan renegade based in South Africa.

Six rwandan deported from Uganda at the reception of the East African Court of Justice as they wait to file a case in Kigali yesterday.

In the past few months, Kigali has indicated that it is concerned about the fate of hundreds of Rwandans incarcerated in Uganda and with no access to consular services and enduring torture.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Incarcerated Rwandans in Ugandan detention a daily reminder of Ugandan regime’s contempt of laws and international norms

By admin

By Patience Kirabo

Ugandan ruler Yoweri Museveni and CMI chief Abel Kandiho.

Peter Siborurema, Bernard Kwizera, David Twahirwa, Jean De Dieu Niyonteze, Rene Rutagungira and many more – these are some of the innocent Rwandans that still languish in different Uganda prisons and places of detention. The victims are unlawfully and unjustly detained in Uganda, only because of their Rwandan nationality. Some have been imprisoned for two years.

Businessman Rutagungira was brutally abducted from a bar in the Ugandan capital where he was having a drink with friends, and illegally detained in a military prison. The abductors charged him with alleged “espionage”. It is something Rutagungira denies he has ever been involved in, even when they inflicted the most inhuman torture to make him confess.

Like Rutagungira, hundreds of Rwandan nationals have been arbitrary arrested, illegally detained and tortured in the hands of the Uganda Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI). They never are presented in court so they can defend themselves. Many of the victims are with no news or updates on their cases to their family members.

Defying international norms, Ugandan authorities do not allow them consular services, despite repeated written requests by the Rwandan High Commission in Kampala. Even when the people abducted have left little children at home – such as businessman Darius Kayobera and his wife Claudine who were kidnapped by CMI agents outside their business quarters in Rubaga in January this year – the practice is to hold them incommunicado.

Kayobera pleaded with them to at least let his wife go back home as their children, ages 9, 6 and 3, only were with the house help. The abductors refused. The couple still is in CMI detention in Mbuya Military Barracks, never having been given a chance to defend themselves in court against CMI’s accusations of “espionage”.

In Rutagungira’s case, even when his accusers paraded him before the Makindye Military Court, they only revealed themselves to be completely without evidence. Despite this he still languishes in military detention – something that also is a violation of his rights as a civilian. He last was seen in a worrisome state, his health had deteriorated and he was very weak.

His lawyer also revealed that among Rutagungira’s torturers was (former) security minister Henry Tumukunde who had personally driven to Makindye to personally slap and abuse the Rwandan. The victim has only been to (military) court once in May this year, and even then only after the persistence of his lawyers who cited his deteriorating health among other things.

Equally worrisome was the state of Rwandan national Augustine Rutayisire who has been imprisoned in Uganda over a year now, first on charges of “suspicion of involvement in a robbery plot”, then on “illegal weapons possession” – all for which he and his friend Emmanuel Rwamucyo have gotten no fair trial.

In May this year Betty Mutamba the wife of Rutayisire told this news website that someone tried to kill her husband in Kampala’s Luzira Prison by putting ground bottle fragments in his food. “It only was by the grace of God that my husband survived, when they took him to hospital and ‘washed his insides’”, she said.

Rwamucyo and Rutayisire were the victims of a robbery by Mukama Moses Kandiho, younger brother to CMI Chief Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho. The younger Kandiho, a GISO (Government Internal Security Officer) of Mbarara last year stopped the two Rwandan businessmen as they were about to deposit over 140 million Ugandan shillings in a bank.

He then summoned Maj. Mushambo the UPDF Second Division Counterintelligence officer who arrived with some soldiers. They affected to search the Rwandans’ car, took their money, then put guns in the vehicle. The next thing Rwamucyo and Rutayisire knew, they were under arrest.

The two men had been caught in the nexus of the hostility of the Museveni regime towards Rwanda, and the criminality of Ugandan security services.

In the case of most Rwandans abducted by CMI operatives – who typically work with Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC agents – the operatives show no warrants of arrest, but carry guns to intimidate. Their favorite method is to surround their mark then carry him or her away, struggling and protesting. Once inside their vehicle they throw a black hood over the heads of the victim and slap handcuffs on their wrists.

After that they drive away, the victims completely disoriented and unaware where they are being taken. They end up either in CMI’s torture dungeons in Mbuya Military Barracks, or the dozens of ungazetted places of detention, the so-called safe houses, that CMI operates all over the country.

Very many of the Rwandans suffering illegal detention in the neighboring country however are those arrested on concocted charges of “illegal entry” or “illegal stay”, and sent to various prisons. Survivors of the prisons most notably of Kabale and Kisoro talk of inhuman treatment including working on plantations in quasi slave labor conditions, enforced with repeated beatings.

Lawyers have repeatedly argued that Rwandans – as citizens of a member country of the East African Community and who therefore should be protected by Common Market freedoms of movement of people – should not be detained on any alleged illegal entry charges. Proof of their nationality in the form of ID or other travel documents should be enough to let them alone, per protocol on the free movement of people.

On the other hand thousands of Ugandans resident in Rwanda enjoy the protections of Common Market laws, to come and go as they please, and are completely welcome. That is the way it should be, and Uganda should similarly desist from harassing or torturing Rwandan civilians, lawyers and other observers comment.

“To see the behavior of Museveni regime operatives and how they harass Rwandans in violation of regional and international law is beyond belief,” said a Kigali-based attorney that spoke off the record.

Victims of illegal incarceration that they release after periods of time in inhuman Ugandan jails have described being dumped, with nothing, at the border posts. Such was the case earlier this month at the Cyanika and Kagitumba borders when it was reported that two dumped victims had succumbed to all the mistreatment they had undergone, and died.

Uganda’s security came for Rwandans, then for lawyers

By admin

By The New Times

First they came for the Communists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Communist

First they came for the Communists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Communist

Then they came for the Socialists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Socialist

Then they came for the trade unionists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a trade unionist

Then they came for the Jews
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Jew

Then they came for Rwandans
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Rwandan

Then they came for me
And there was no one left
To speak out for me

This is the modified cautionary tale made in 1946 by the German Pastor, Martin Niemöller, about the silence of people who would otherwise be expected to speak up against abuse and how the silence emboldens the abusers to undertake even more brutality. Pastor Martin Niemöller was of the view that the silence of Germany’s elites, including business people, the churches, and the professionals was needed for the purging of almost six million Jews to be possible and the moral of his story is that when those you see as “others” are abused and you remain silent, sooner rather than later the abuse comes calling on your own front door. In other words, it’s better to fight injustice while it is still targetted at the “other”, while you still can as, when it is extended to you, it may already be too late to save yourself.

The Uganda Law Society is living this cautionary tale. For almost two years, Uganda’s security agencies, principally, CMI and ISO, have been in clear violation of Uganda’s constitutional protections by illegally abducting Rwandan citizens in Uganda, incarcerating them in illegal ungazetted detention centres, torturing and sometimes killing them, or deporting those who can count themselves lucky.

For all this time, Ugandans have generally been silent, not because they are people who don’t mind abuse but simply because they were not Rwandans, the target of the violations. Those who dared to say something often uttered veiled justifications for the abuses, the kind that ostensibly served to embolden the Nazis in Germany to greater degrees of abuse of the targetted “other”. The moral equivalence they pushed placed the burden of stopping the abuses on the victims, the leadership in their country. In so doing, they were feeding the monster.

Like Pastor Niemöller warned, the monster they have been feeding is baying for more blood. This time it is the blood of their own, and the way things are quickly evolving, even they themselves may not be spared.

On Wednesday, 31 July 2019, armed men picked up Patrick Mugisha, a partner at Mwesige Mugisha & Co. Advocates, from his chambers in Muyenga, a Kampala suburb. Mugisha was reported missing and a victim of abduction. It turned out that for almost a week he had been held without charge at one of ISO’s notorious illegal ungazetted detention centres in Kyengera, another Kampala suburb.

The Uganda Law Society immediately went to battle for its colleague. On 3 August 2019, its president, Mr Simon Peter Kinobe, wrote a strongly-worded letter and appeared on different television channels to denounce ISO, reminding its director-general Col Kaka Bagyenda of the constitutional violation against abductions, and even of the fact ISO has no arresting powers:

“As Uganda Law Society, we cannot continue to look on as a few individuals descend our country into chaos without reprisal. We cannot be observers in the perpetration of impunity with no call to action. We accordingly call upon all lawyers to action, to prosecute both criminally and in civil court the director of ISO Col Frank Kaka Bagyenda for these acts of impunity and, to demand the immediate unconditional release of our advocates illegally arrested and detained by the said ISO. Should ISO fail to comply with our demands to unconditionally release the detained citizens by Wednesday the 7th Day of August 2019, we shall have no choice but to further escalate the matter,” he wrote.

Mr Kinobe accused Col Kaka of “acting with impunity by kidnapping, intimidating, harassing and arresting lawyers without any reason,” Mr Kinobe warned, as he denounced the illegal holding of the lawyer, “beyond the statutory period of 48 hours,” before giving Col Kaka “up to August 7th to release the lawyer or they prosecute him!”

Uganda’s security organs, ISO and CMI, have consistently, routinely, been holding Rwandans for more than the statutory 48 hours; not even just 48 days. Some Rwandans remain under illegal detention for almost two years; some for more than 700 days.

Now that the Uganda Law Society is a target, perhaps it’s high time it makes the same demands for the innocent Rwandans as it has for its lawyer member: “Release or prosecute them!”

Rwandans were used as practice rounds; the silence from the Ugandan legal community on these clear violations of constitutional protections against illegal abduction and detentions then emboldened the abusers to scale up and extend the abuse to Ugandans. Mr Kinobe had better heed Pastor Martin Niemöller cautionary tale rather than treat Mr Mugisha’s abuse as an exception and in so doing end up feeding and emboldening the Ugandan security state monster. In speaking up for the Rwandans whose human rights are being violated by Ugandan security agencies routinely and with impunity, the Uganda legal fraternity will be ensuring practicing enlightened self-interest, preventing the erosion of Uganda’s constitutional protections against abusive arrests snd detentions. They will be ensuring the abuses are not extended to them tomorrow.

Source: By The New Times / Rwanda

Bonabaana Slips On A Banana Peel Of A Lie In Uganda’s Gov’t Paper

By admin

By KT Press

Prossy Bonabaana as she appeared in Sunday Vision yesterday, August 11. Bonabaana is an agent both of CMI, and Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC.

In an article titled “Woman hunts for husband kidnapped four years ago”, the New Vision newspaper – Uganda’s main government mouthpiece – has given a full page to a Kampala-based senior operative of Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC to pour vitriol on Rwanda.

Prossy Bonabaana, whose title is “National Coordinator” for RNC in Uganda – recently promoted to the group’s Executive Committee – tells a tall tale in the Ugandan paper alleging that Rwandan soldiers “kidnapped her husband”, a Congolese national called Rwema Gendarme. Upon reading through the piece, published in yesterday’s Sunday Vision, one again is struck by the levels of desperation of Ugandan government propaganda in their never-ending attempts to tarnish Rwanda.

There are a lot of holes in the story, beginning with Bonabaana’s very first claim that Rwandan soldiers kidnapped her husband in Kisoro, a town of Uganda.

Throughout the article one will not find any explanation as to the anomaly of the forces of one country apparently acting with utmost freedom to commit a crime in another country. It is beyond childish. Uganda is a country with security forces of its own, what were they doing when members of the Rwandan military supposedly crossed over to kidnap someone there? Neither New Vision, nor Bonabaana explain this.

She claims her husband Rwema called her and supposedly told her, “Rwandan soldiers have kidnapped me”. She doesn’t tell what it is that made him conclude it was Rwandan soldiers. He didn’t say, “This is why I think these are Rwandans”. Neither did Sunday Vision bother to call the UPDF bosses to explain how it was possible for a foreign force to enter Ugandan territory to allegedly kidnap people.

The whole story just looks like a fictitious yarn, which it is. This analysis is borne out by the recent record of Ugandan propaganda organs and their fictions against Rwanda – such as the notorious ChimpReports allegation in May that “Rwandan forces had crossed to Kisoro to look for food and drinks”.

Challenged to produce a single iota of evidence, photographic or audiovisual, ChimpReports’ editor in chief Giles Muhame could only keep quiet and hope for everyone to forget the monster lie. Rwandans on Twitter refused to let him off the hook, challenging him repeatedly to substantiate his claim. Muhame hasn’t, up to now.

The same happened when a Ugandan lawyer in Kisoro was murdered, with pro-Museveni propaganda organs rushing to claim “Rwandan soldiers killed him”. The allegation was even more ridiculous, with the so-called media quoting an unnamed boy as the one that, in the dark of the night, supposedly identified the “Rwandan soldiers”. “With Museveni’s propaganda organs there is no such thing as human shame any more, leave alone professional pride”, said a Kigali journalist.

Bonabaana not only is an important RNC member, she also is an active propagandist of the group and is its spokesperson in Kampala. On 13 January this year she published a pro-RNC piece full of anti-Rwanda talking points and smears identical to those ones that RNC-affiliated individuals regularly publish. That article was on none other than the ChimpReports website.

According to reliable sources, Bonabaana also is an operative of Ugandan Military Intelligence, CMI, and her handler is Col. CK Asiimwe. In the piece in the Sunday Vision in which she alleges kidnap of her husband she gives no reason – and neither does the newspaper – why she thinks Rwandan soldier would do so. What quarrel would Rwandans have with a Munyamulenge trader in Uganda?

She doesn’t say. The whole lie is amateurish beyond belief.

She goes ahead to allege that the supposed Rwandan soldiers “kidnapped her man, bundled him into a car, and drove through Cyanika Border point.” It is right there in the story in the sixth paragraph. The woman has said with her own mouth that her husband’s purported abductors passed through Cyanika Border point.

So, how was it possible that Ugandan border authorities didn’t search through this vehicle – said to be driven by Rwandan military men no less – before allowing it through? Is Prossy Bonabaana claiming the Ugandan authorities were asleep at that time? Is she claiming Ugandan authorities didn’t see the car, as if it was some ghost car that just drove through?

The story gets funnier the more one reads through it. “The day that he was kidnapped, his captors left him with his phone, from 11:00 am to 5:00 pm to call whoever he wanted, including President Yoweri Museveni for no one was going to save him,” Bonabaana says. At this point one has to burst out laughing.

Which kidnapper leaves his captive with a phone for even one second? But Bonabaana is saying her husband’s alleged kidnappers left his phone with him for six full hours, to call whoever he wanted. “Those must be the kindest kidnappers in history,” joked one reader.

Here, one has to pause to get the full implications of the phone claims. Bonabaana herself says her husband was kidnapped in Kisoro and that her kidnappers left him with a phone for hours to call anyone he pleased. She in fact says she was the first person he called to inform her of the kidnap.

The immediate question this raises is: what kind of daft lie is this? Phones are the most dangerous things for kidnappers. Their signals can be traced to the user, raising the possibility of capture or getting killed.

But on top of all that Bonabaana and Sunday Vision expect the reader to believe that a team of Rwandan soldiers, supposedly acting stealthily in dangerous foreign territory, would successfully abduct a man after which they allowed him to go ahead make calls all day? All the while driving to a border post, which they then passed as if there were no authorities?

“Bonabaana must be the most naïve liar on the planet!” one observer chuckled. “The fact that New Vision has published every one of the falsehoods and not bothered to question any of it shows the depths to which this once respectable paper has sunk,” he concluded.

Bonabaana’s lying when one examines it, has the same goal since Museveni decided to work with RNC, FDLR and other groups sworn to destabilize Rwanda and devised their anti-Kigali misinformation policy: to tarnish Rwanda at every chance. The modus operandi includes publishing or airing outright concoctions. The lies take on different variations with the hope that as they throw more dirt perhaps some will stick.

Analyzing The Sunday Vision’s piece it is clear the aim of Bonabaana’s fraudulent claims is to smear Rwandan authorities with the image of kidnappers. Here the reader will remember that Ugandan security bodies are the biggest kidnappers, by far, in the region and beyond.

Only none-state actors like Boko Haram kidnap more people than CMI or ISO, which are the most in the news for kidnap and abduction than any other security agency in Eastern and Central Africa. That is easily verifiable with some online research.

CMI’s attempts to tarnish Rwanda with kidnap or abductions on a certain level reflect acknowledgment of their own criminality. “They know abductions, arrests with no warrants or court orders and the like are crimes, and it must eat them that Rwandan security agencies don’t engage in such. So they come up with these ridiculous fictions,” said a security analyst that preferred anonymity.

Bonabaana in her yarn tries to create an impression of plurality; an impression that Rwanda “has kidnapped many other people than her husband”. Sunday Vision claims, “Through her activism she has met other women whose husbands were kidnapped.”

“We recently formed an organization called the Self-Worth Initiative to give a voice to these women,” she says. The truth about this “Self-Worth Initiative” however is that it is another CMI-created front – specifically to try to lend credence to the idea there indeed is a group of such women, whose husbands purportedly have been “kidnapped by Rwandans”. Its other function is to act as a vehicle of advocacy for RNC.

Bonabaana by the end of the story comes across as completely amateurish at telling lies. In the article she claims to have spent much time in Kigali “looking for her husband”, to the point of going to Rwanda’s Defense Ministry. Yet she claims she is deathly scared of the same military.

In one part of the story she claims she has no idea who “kidnapped” her husband. But in the last sentence she claims she is happy that “individuals who participated in his kidnap have since been arrested and are currently in court!” One’s head spins. Where in any Ugandan court is such a trial taking place?

Only Bonabaana and her New Vision enablers know.

Source: By KT Press / Rwanda

Museveni minions’ spin around Sezibera indicative of deep desperation

By admin

By Jackson Mutabazi

All of a sudden the misinformation specialists of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni are intensely interested in the health of Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Richard Sezibera.

It began with rumors earlier this week by Commandpost – a website and troll Twitter account affiliated to Ugandan Military Intelligence, CMI, as well as Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC – that Sezibera was “admitted in critical condition after poisoning”. Commandpost had nothing to substantiate its allegation.

A few days later, on 8 August, Ofwono Opondo the Uganda Government Spokesperson chose to amplify Commandpost’s allegation by quoting it, which he did in a tweet on his official handle. This act was consistent with the tradition of Museveni government officials acting bizarrely over the years.

In what capacity did Opondo tweet about the health of the official of another country? Everything in Uganda under Museveni seems to function in ways contrary to the norms in most other governments on earth. As a prominent Rwandan Twitter account asked, was Opondo also jumping over to become the spokesman of Rwanda by announcing supposed health updates of Kigali officials?

No one knows. What is clear beyond doubt is that Ofwono Opondo the spokesperson of the Government of Uganda is quoting and re-tweeting an account with affiliations to RNC – a group whose goal is to destabilize Rwanda, and which has perpetrated terrorist attacks in the country with grenade blasts.

It has long been a matter of open knowledge that Museveni has chosen to work with, and provide all kinds of support and facilitation to groups plotting to bring armed conflict back to Rwanda. A UN Group of Experts on DRC in December last year detailed how Uganda is one of the main sources of recruitment for rebels of the so-called P5 grouping in eastern Congo.

CMI and RNC obviously imagine that spreading and disseminating misinformation about any Rwandan official is something that will hurt Rwanda. Opondo – who cannot be acting without the permission of his boss – apparently thinks the same.

Not to be outdone, ChimpReports another paid propaganda mouthpiece of the Museveni regime yesterday, 9 August jumped onto the story, heavily insinuating the same “poisoning” scenario. It too with nothing to substantiate this preposterous claim.

ChimpReports – the same group that a few months ago reported that a platoon of Rwandan soldiers had crossed into Uganda, to Kisoro “looking for food and drink” but when challenged to provide photographic or video evidence, never could – outdid even itself with its article on Sezibera.

The piece read like a eulogy – going as far as detailing aspects of Sezibera’s educational and professional background.

But going by its record ChimpReports might as well have claimed Sezibera was in Kisoro.

Based on nothing much more than the last time Minister Sezibera wrote a tweet or posted something on his WhatsApp account, ChimpReports then spins a tall tale all with the clear intention – just like Ofwono Opondo, and Commandpost – to implicate the Rwandan leadership in some kind of foul play.

“These minions of Museveni’s truly are incredible,” commentators in Kigali said. “Their regime is busy openly murdering people like Ziggy Wine and other supporters of people power, and other Ugandans but they somehow think anyone will pay attention to their desperate lies about Rwanda?”

Others wondered, “Supposing Minister Sezibera was not well, in what way would that be something extraordinary? Isn’t the Minister a human being with the same vulnerabilities as all other human beings?”

The behavior of Museveni’s propagandists on this issue has only revealed the extent of desperation in regime circles as the citizen pressure of Ugandans bears down on them, observers conclude.

If governments can withhold funds from Uganda due to corruption, they can also sanction it for working with terrorist groups – analysts

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Refugees in a camp in Uganda: donor countries are cutting funding due to serious levels of corruption in the country’s refugee program.

The Museveni government is in international news once again for grand corruption – this time with the focus squarely on the country’s refugee program.

Germany has now joined the United Kingdom and Japan in suspending refugee funding to Uganda, according to various news reports. The Ugandan refugee program – which the regime has also weaponized as a source of recruits for groups trying to destabilize Rwanda – can no longer get millions of dollars in funding.

“This is money they have been embezzling as if they are accountable to no one, but all of a sudden accountability is demanded,” commented a Ugandan official that preferred to talk off the record.

Commenting on an aspect of the widespread embezzlement, veteran Ugandan journalist Charles Onyango Obbo wrote in a tweet, “It emerged last year that refugee numbers in Uganda had been deliberately inflated by over 300,000 by colluding aid agencies and Office of the Prime Minister officials who also stole aid resources meant for refugees.”

Inflating refugee numbers is just a tip of the iceberg of the corruption that has been uncovered. According to observers the acts of embezzlement in the handling of refugee affairs reveal that while Ugandan officials – such as Hilary Onek, Minister of Disaster Preparedness and Refugees – have proudly been touting the country as “the most generous, most welcoming” one for refugees, in fact this is another mega scam!

“It is just another of the many scams that have characterized Museveni’s 33 years in power.”

Last year in November a UN investigation of the Ugandan refugee program found “misconduct and corruption that cost millions of dollars.” A report by the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) showed inflated bills, fraud and none-compliance with rules, among other malfeasance that caused losses for the UN refugee agency.

In stating the reasons Germany has decided to withhold its funding, the European country’s ambassador in Kampala, Albrecht Conze, said they were disturbed that the Ugandan Government has not reacted to the corruption scandal ever since it was unearthed, with Uganda claiming it is “still carrying out investigations.”

“What we are particularly disturbed by is that those who seem to be at the center of this machination have not faced justice,” said the German ambassador, as quoted in The Observer newspaper of Kampala. “German has voiced concern ever since the scandal was discovered, and I have now joined my British and Japanese colleagues in making a strong point,” continued the ambassador.

Many, however, are convinced that corruption in Uganda is irreversible – in any government office – and that even more donor countries will cut off funding. “If the president can take a bribe as petty as US$ 500,000 from some random Chinese business fixer, what makes anyone think a good amount of the embezzled refugee money hasn’t ended in Museveni’s pocket?” a Kampala writer asked.

“Any donors that expect accountability will be disappointed because the corruption is sanctioned right from the top.”

The OIOS’s audit covered UNHCR’s (the UN agency for refugees) operations in Uganda for fifteen months, from July 2016 to November 2018. The audit showed excessive fuel use by UNHCR vehicles assigned to officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), which manages refugees and provides contract services to UNHCR.

The audit said OPM paid US$ 283,000 in allowances annually to dozens of its staff but “was unable to provide to OIOS documentation to substantiate that these civil servants were working on UNHCR projects.” The report was just getting started. It continued with how Uganda’s Office of the Prime Minister devised a scam to overbill UNHCR by US$ 7.7 million for water supposedly consumed by refugees – of which about 300,000 were “ghost refugees.”

“Some procurements were done without competitive bidding while others carried insufficient documentation, exposing UNHCR to losses through inflated prices and other losses,” the report revealed. The audit also revealed that while Uganda had been claiming it hosted 1.4 million refugees, the true number was 1.1 million.

Reading through the audit, a Rwandan analyst exclaimed, “no wonder Uganda has refused to implement the Cessation Clause concerning Rwandans. The refugee situation is too juicy for Museveni’s regime to allow even a single one go back home!”

When a cessation clause comes into effect, it means the nationals of a certain country no longer have reason to fear going back to their country of origin, and therefore cannot be refugees anywhere any longer. The clause for Rwandan refugees was signed on 30 June 2013.

It meant every Rwandan could go back home as the reasons that caused them to become refugees had long ended and the country was completely safe for all her nationals, with everyone expecting to enjoy equal protection before the law.

However, Kampala, instead of implementing the Cessation Clause and assist in repatriating Rwandans, began dilly-dallying. They began inventing fictions such as claims that “Rwanda was kidnapping refugees”, and using that to justify none-repatriation. In a shocking display of the symbiotic corruption between Uganda government officials and some officials of UNHCR, they did the opposite of repatriation.

Earlier this year, billboards – with the UNHCR logo – began appearing at different Uganda-Rwanda border posts. The billboards were announcing in three languages, Kinyarwanda, English and French that “anyone that wanted to become a refugee needed only to cross over, and they would be registered”.

The record shows that as much as the Museveni government has been using refugees as a cash cow, Rwandan refugees in particular have been exploited for another nefarious purpose. From the time Museveni began his alliance with Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC, plotting to bring armed conflict back Rwanda, they have been recruiting from camps with sizable Rwandan populations.

This became very public in December 2017 when Ugandan border police intercepted 46 young Rwandans that were travelling on forged Ugandan papers. They first claimed they were going to a bible fellowship in Burundi but upon closer questioning they confessed they were recruits of RNC going to training camps in eastern DRC. It was discovered that Ugandan military intelligence, CMI together with RNC agents had recruited them from refugee camps in western Uganda.

If governments like Germany, UK and Japan can withhold refugee funds because of embezzlement, maybe they can also sanction Uganda because of facilitating a terrorist group bent on causing insecurity in a neighboring country, one analyst commented.

RNC, like Al Qaida, think they are fighting for justice

By admin

By The New Times

If the global war on terror is intended to ensure that no where in the world should terrorists and their sponsors have control of state power, then why does anyone think that the RNC should be an exception?

Imagine that the spokesperson of the global terrorist group Al Qaida told a newspaper that, “We would like to remind the public that we are an organization founded on democratic, justice and human rights principles.” Who would take him seriously?

Even Al Qaida doesn’t see itself as a terrorist organization despite the acts of indiscriminate killings of innocents across the globe, including the attacks on New York’s Twin Towers that claimed the lives of about 3,000 people.

A newspaper carrying Al Qaida propaganda to the effect that the group is “founded on democratic principles,” would surely be received by Americans as provocation and mockery that would only reinforce their resolve on their war on terror.

This has been the pattern of The Daily Monitor’s recent coverage of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC). Its recent 2 August 2019 edition with the title “Exiled Rwandans want to return despite terrorism allegations” sought to portray the group as legitimate contenders for leadership in Rwanda.

If the global war on terror is intended to ensure that no where in the world should terrorists and their sponsors have control of state power, that their efforts to achieve this should be fought tooth and nail, then why does anyone think that the RNC should be an exception?

The RNC has taken up the colour yellow as a show of solidarity with its sponsors, who are also helping it to access this kind of sanitising media coverage.

Shortly after its founding in 2010, Patrick Karegeya, its co-founder with Kayumba Nyamwasa, gave a detailed interview that committed the group to terrorism. Karegeya said it is only through such violence, rather than through democratic processes, that President Kagame can be removed from power, “dictators don’t step down, they are brought down,” he said.

This RNC founding vision was immediately implemented. As is the case with all terrorism, the aim was to make fear widespread in the country so that the population loses confidence in its leadership – after which they may militarily overrun the country with the support of their sponsors.

RNC operatives began to infiltrate the country on such missions. Between 2010 and 2014, a series of attacks claimed 17 lives and injured 460 people in Rwanda.

According to a witness, Corporal Joseph Nshimiyimana, who participated in a July 2013 meeting at Mamba Point Bar in Kampala, at which Kayumba Nyamwasa’s emmissaries from South Africa were also in attendance, the RNC had a plan to disrupt the parliamentary elections scheduled for later that year in September.

The plan was “successful.” Indiscriminate grenade attacks were visited upon Kicukiro market, claiming the lives of Mr Yadufashije and Mr Habiyambere and wounding another 46 innocent people.

How a news organisation can swallow and regurgitate the claims of a group that is supposedly “founded on democratic principles” but sets off to disrupt elections through terror is beyond professional ethics.

Senior FDLR representatives, currently on trial, intercepted in the DRC as they returned from Kampala also confirmed that Uganda’s state minister of regional affairs, Philemon Mateke, had convened the FDLR and RNC for strategic consultations on how to implement instructions from their Ugandan sponsor regarding yet another a plan to blow up Rwanda’s infrastructure.

However, the military violence that was supposed to bolster this terrorism has suffered a setback, as hundreds of young men who had been duped by Kayumba Nyamwasa and his supporters into joining their insurgency suffered a beating in the jungles of the DRC where more than 300 were killed and scores captured alive.

Until Kayumba Nyamwasa leaves the comfort of sausages and cafe lattes in South Africa, from where he commands his armed band of terrorists remotely, it is safe to say that the defeat marks the end of the RNC – since both its terror and military operations have failed miserably.

Which explains the sudden change of tune by the terror organisation, its sponsors, and their decision to shift to a media campaign to push for “dialogue” and “negotiations.”

After their pounding in the DRC, they all of sudden began clamouring for “dialogue.” Apparently, the “peace-loving” terrorists were willing to negotiate but Rwanda’s leadership wasn’t.

Similarly, the “exiled Rwandans” want to return home, if only everyone, especially the leadership in Rwanda, would forget that they have been involved in terrorism. Even the families that lost their loved ones in those terror attacks are supposed to ignore that any of that ever happened.

What kind of democratic principles are they preaching that don’t have accountability for terrorism?

The RNC has taken up it’s sponsor’s colour yellow. Soon they will, no doubt, also be donning its similarly coloured hats.

If this is all it takes to successfully rebrand the terrorist RNC as an organisation representing “founding democratic principles,” then even Al Qaida would be impressed!

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Museveni’s confidence was shaken by Rwandans, William Pike reveals in book

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By The New Times

The author of the book, who headed state-owned Uganda’s New Vision for two decades, knew Museveni before the latter came to power in 1986.

William Pike, the former Editor-in-Chief of New Vision, a state-owned Ugandan newspaper, has published a memoir that gives insights into President Yoweri Museveni’s deep-rooted loath for Rwanda’s leadership.

These insights may well explain the continued kidnapping, arbitrary arrests, torture, and irregular deportations of innocent Rwandans by Uganda, and Kampala’s continued support for elements hostile to the Rwandan government.

The book, Combatants: A memoir of the Bush War and press in Uganda, is centred on Museveni’s 30-year rule of the East African country.

Pike, who headed New Vision for two decades, knew Museveni before he came to power in 1986 and before he became the chief editor of the newspaper.

The long-serving editor worked closely with Uganda’s president and other senior government and military officials and met Museveni on several occasions.

In the book, the British born-Pike refers on several occasions, to one-on-one discussions he held with President Museveni and how he had direct access by telephone to the President, any time of the day.

According to Pike, it all started when officers of Rwandan origin, who had helped Museveni to successfully overthrow Milton Obote and bring him to power, plotted to return to their country – Rwanda.

“It is surprising that he (Fred Rwigyema) could do this without telling us but as you know these Banyarwanda have a big problem of wanting to go back to their country,” Pike quotes Museveni as telling him during an interview conducted during the former’s time at New Vision.

Pike then asked him whether the RPA invasion without his knowledge was a failure of National Resistance Army (NRA)’s intelligence or the result of the NRA turning a blind eye to the plans of the Banyarwanda soldiers in their ranks.

“This took us by surprise. We had been getting intelligence reports which we shared with the Rwanda authorities (Juvenal Habyarimana’s government) but they were not confirmed,” Museveni said. “We got some information that people were deserting but what surprised us was the scale and rapidity of the desertions.”

“There was A plus B but he (Rwigema) only told me of A. Yet I could have helped him,” Museveni told Pike. Rwigema, one of the highest-ranking Rwandan exiles that were part of the army that brought Museveni to power in 1986, was killed in the early days of Rwanda’s liberation struggle that was launched on October 1, 1990.

Rwigema would later be replaced by now-President Paul Kagame who returned from military training in the U.S to join the struggle to liberate Rwanda.

The insights in Pike’s book show that Museveni was probably against Rwandan refugees returning home, and poke holes into claims that he was instrumental in the successful liberation struggle that brought to an end the genocidal regime in Kigali in July 1994.

“Museveni said he could only support consensus, an agreement between Habyarimana and the refugees. He would not directly support either the RPF or the Rwandese government. The Rwanda government was an oppressive dictatorship and the RPF deserters had betrayed his trust,” Pike writes in his 294-page book.

He adds: “It was not surprising that Museveni’s confidence was shaken. He had just become Chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (now African Union) and the invasion of Rwanda reflected very badly on him.

“It served to confirm Kenya and Zaire’s allegations that Uganda had territorial ambitions in East Africa. The invasion was a public relations disaster.”

According to Pike, Museveni was bitter at the damage the invasion had done to his reputation as a statesman. It shook his confidence and left him feeling betrayed.

Pike’s revelations could probably explain – at least in part – why Museveni’s government has adopted a hostile attitude against Rwanda’s leadership, according to an observer. And, the observer added, continued failed efforts by Museveni to run Rwanda as his vassal state over the last 25 years appear to have only made matters worse.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

CMI mouthpiece spins a tall tale around Rwandan youths solidarity camp

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By Alex Muhumuza

The CMI and RNC-run misinformation website and Twitter account collectively known as “Commandpost” were at it again this Tuesday when they published an anti-Rwanda piece – this one targeting Rwandan children that have been attending a solidarity camp.

“Another batch of Rwandan death squads passed, ready to terrorize Rwandan opposition worldwide,” Commandpost claimed, talking about a gathering of youths most of whom aren’t even of the age to vote. Just because this gathering mostly of teenagers – slightly over 500 of them from all over the Diaspora – have been attending a camp that included some basic military training, Commandpost is telling the world that these youths now are “death squads”.

Commandpost’s article goes on to paint a picture of them as if they are highly trained, crack “killers”, “just waiting to be unleashed”. The propagandist website alleges: “Rwanda has continuously militarily trained youths and later sends them abroad with the aim of destabilizing the region.”

Smears like these are indicative of the fact CMI people and their sidekicks, Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC, have long lost whatever little sense of shame they ever had, an analyst said. “First of all they write these outrageous lies, but then the falsehoods are so childish one wonders what they are even thinking!” the analyst added.

According to Commandpost, in order to “destabilize the region”, the Itorero Indangamirwa youths underwent the following training: “military courses, intelligence and counterterrorism”; “training models such as weaponry handling”; “military techniques – drills, ideas in close combat”; “intelligence gathering techniques”; “information warfare, relationship, trust-building techniques and political education”.

Commandpost also tells its readers, “The trainers select a few of the participants to stay behind to undergo ‘poison training course.’”

The author of this anti-Rwanda hit piece must have forgotten that readers perhaps have a brain and will easily see through most of the lies. The article says the youths underwent a training of five weeks. Is one supposed to believe that in this brief period the trainees became hardened, Mossad-like agents expert in weapons handling, intelligence gathering, counterterrorism, ‘information warfare’, ‘poisoning techniques, and so on, and so on?

Only Commandpost thinks so. “Maybe it (Commandpost) better go in search of better liars to write their articles for them!” said a reader after reading through the article. “How does one dream up such foolish fictions really? Training kids in five weeks to master things which professionals take years to master, all allegedly to destabilize the region?! In any case who else other than Museveni wants to destabilize the region?” one security analyst asked.

No other leader in the region is in bed with terrorist groups – RNC, FDLR, “P5” – whose goal is to destabilize a neighbor, Rwanda. That’s something that has been proven many times – including infamous incidents like when a group of young Rwandan men carrying forged Ugandan papers were intercepted at the Uganda, Tanzania border. They were enroute to RNC training camps in DRC, they said when questioned. Upon further questioning they revealed it was CMI agents that had provided them the forged papers.

Rwanda has never done anything anti-Ugandan like that. A UN report on DRC in December last year showed documented proof that Uganda is a major source of recruits to join RNC and the so-called P5 anti-Rwanda groups. Other than Rwanda, even the South Sudanese are complaining that Museveni is destabilizing their country by continuous meddling in their affairs!

Analysts with knowledge of psychology point to the Museveni regime’s lies against Rwanda as “projecting”. The way Museveni likes to accuse others of the very crimes he himself is guilty of; that’s projection in its purest terms, prominent Twitter commentator Mwene Kalinda often points out.

The latest Commandpost piece with the usual distortions, and projections of the crimes of Ugandan intelligence agencies on Rwanda also engages in dredging up old fictions such as the one that “Rwanda was behind the attempted coup against Pierre Nkurunziza.” Operating on the principle that when one repeats a lie enough times it becomes truth is a favorite ploy of CMI and RNC misinformation specialists.

They seem to imagine that everyone will forget that the bedlam in Burundi purely was the doing of Nkurunziza who in 2015, out of the blue announced he was awarding himself another term in office though his time was up. That prompted massive protests, which the Burundian leader responded to with mass killings. It made senior members of the Burundian military attempt a coup, “purely because of the chaos unleashed by Nkurunziza”.

“But trust these Kampala trolls to keep mudslinging Rwanda with this dirt!” said a Kigali security analyst.

The Indangamirwa youths that Commandpost drags in the mud completely know nothing of the CMI allegations against them. They were in the Itorero camp as an exercise in character building, in patriotism, in learning the values of their country – all which some basic military training does best. After that they went to their parents to spend some quality time with them.

CMI tall tales won’t change those facts.

Nine Rwandans sue Ugandan government

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By The New Times

The nine Rwandans who were illegally deported from Uganda making their way to the Sub-Registry of the East African Court of Justice near the Supreme Court yesterday. This is the second group to petition the regional court over the mistreatment they suffered at the hands of the Ugandan security operatives.

A group of nine Rwandans have filed a lawsuit against the Ugandan government at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) seeking compensation for alleged arbitrary arrest, detention and torture by Ugandan security organs.

This is the second time in less than a month the Ugandan government is being sued over illegal arrest and torture. The case was filed at the EACJ Kigali Sub-registry in Kimihurura.

In June this year, a Rwandan couple and a teacher, through their Kigali-based lawyer Richard Mugisha, of Trust Law Chambers petitioned the same court, seeking reparations stemming from spending at least nine months in custody over what they claim were baseless accusations.

Flanked by their lawyer, Emmanuel Butare of MRB Attorneys’, the all-male group appeared at the East African Court of Justice Kigali office yesterday, where they recounted tales of alleged torture by the Ugandan security organs which has left some of them nursing lifetime injuries.

Three Rwandan deported from Uganda sit in the East African Court of Justice as they come to file a case in Kigali yesterday.

The group, which consists of mostly members of the Association of Pentecostal Churches in Rwanda (ADEPR) is yet to come to the conclusion of what they expect in terms of compensation.

Victims decry losses

When ADEPR’s Pastor Jean de Dieu Singirankabo moved to Uganda thirteen years ago, he straightway registered a church and a Non-Governmental Organisation which he named Munezero Foundation of Life. Their biggest focus was on supporting orphans.

“Everything flourished. Within that period, we opened several offices and we purchased equipment worth about $100,000, bought a fleet of cars to help with our work and purchased pieces of land for agriculture,” he said.

Pastor Jean de Dieu Singirankabo who was deported from Uganda ,speaks to media yesterday, He is among nine Rwandans who come to file a case.

Everything seemed to be going well until March this year when the arrests of Rwandans in Uganda became rampant.

“They arrested many members of our church. In May this year, the operatives appeared at my home and arrested me and some other six people from my family. They blindfolded us and handcuffed us and we were taken to CMI safe houses where we were severely beaten as we were being accused of being spies and plotting to overthrow the government,” he said.

Six weeks after their arrest, Singirankabo claims that he and a few others were handcuffed and blindfolded again before being dumped at the border and told never to come back to Uganda.

Nine rwandans who were deported from Uganda , captured here enter the East African Court of Justice to file a case in Kigali.

A few days later, with the help of the Rwandan High Commission in Uganda, their families were repatriated back to Rwanda.

“We have lost everything. I have to start over. What I want from the government of Uganda is justice for myself. I am a shell of my former self because I have permanent chest and rib cage pain from the torture. I also want them to release the others we left behind,” he said.

Uganda has lately been linked to several anti-Kigali armed groups, including FDLR, the offshoot of forces and militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, and FLN, which last year made incursions on Rwandan territory through Burundi, killing at least nine civilians and wounding several others.

A UN report of experts released in December last year said Uganda was a major source of new recruits for ‘P5’, a coalition that brings together different Rwandan rebel groups led by RNC’s Kayumba Nyamwasa, a Rwandan renegade based in South Africa.

Six rwandan deported from Uganda at the reception of the East African Court of Justice as they wait to file a case in Kigali yesterday.

In the past few months, Kigali has indicated that it is concerned about the fate of hundreds of Rwandans incarcerated in Uganda and with no access to consular services and enduring torture.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Incarcerated Rwandans in Ugandan detention a daily reminder of Ugandan regime’s contempt of laws and international norms

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By Patience Kirabo

Ugandan ruler Yoweri Museveni and CMI chief Abel Kandiho.

Peter Siborurema, Bernard Kwizera, David Twahirwa, Jean De Dieu Niyonteze, Rene Rutagungira and many more – these are some of the innocent Rwandans that still languish in different Uganda prisons and places of detention. The victims are unlawfully and unjustly detained in Uganda, only because of their Rwandan nationality. Some have been imprisoned for two years.

Businessman Rutagungira was brutally abducted from a bar in the Ugandan capital where he was having a drink with friends, and illegally detained in a military prison. The abductors charged him with alleged “espionage”. It is something Rutagungira denies he has ever been involved in, even when they inflicted the most inhuman torture to make him confess.

Like Rutagungira, hundreds of Rwandan nationals have been arbitrary arrested, illegally detained and tortured in the hands of the Uganda Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI). They never are presented in court so they can defend themselves. Many of the victims are with no news or updates on their cases to their family members.

Defying international norms, Ugandan authorities do not allow them consular services, despite repeated written requests by the Rwandan High Commission in Kampala. Even when the people abducted have left little children at home – such as businessman Darius Kayobera and his wife Claudine who were kidnapped by CMI agents outside their business quarters in Rubaga in January this year – the practice is to hold them incommunicado.

Kayobera pleaded with them to at least let his wife go back home as their children, ages 9, 6 and 3, only were with the house help. The abductors refused. The couple still is in CMI detention in Mbuya Military Barracks, never having been given a chance to defend themselves in court against CMI’s accusations of “espionage”.

In Rutagungira’s case, even when his accusers paraded him before the Makindye Military Court, they only revealed themselves to be completely without evidence. Despite this he still languishes in military detention – something that also is a violation of his rights as a civilian. He last was seen in a worrisome state, his health had deteriorated and he was very weak.

His lawyer also revealed that among Rutagungira’s torturers was (former) security minister Henry Tumukunde who had personally driven to Makindye to personally slap and abuse the Rwandan. The victim has only been to (military) court once in May this year, and even then only after the persistence of his lawyers who cited his deteriorating health among other things.

Equally worrisome was the state of Rwandan national Augustine Rutayisire who has been imprisoned in Uganda over a year now, first on charges of “suspicion of involvement in a robbery plot”, then on “illegal weapons possession” – all for which he and his friend Emmanuel Rwamucyo have gotten no fair trial.

In May this year Betty Mutamba the wife of Rutayisire told this news website that someone tried to kill her husband in Kampala’s Luzira Prison by putting ground bottle fragments in his food. “It only was by the grace of God that my husband survived, when they took him to hospital and ‘washed his insides’”, she said.

Rwamucyo and Rutayisire were the victims of a robbery by Mukama Moses Kandiho, younger brother to CMI Chief Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho. The younger Kandiho, a GISO (Government Internal Security Officer) of Mbarara last year stopped the two Rwandan businessmen as they were about to deposit over 140 million Ugandan shillings in a bank.

He then summoned Maj. Mushambo the UPDF Second Division Counterintelligence officer who arrived with some soldiers. They affected to search the Rwandans’ car, took their money, then put guns in the vehicle. The next thing Rwamucyo and Rutayisire knew, they were under arrest.

The two men had been caught in the nexus of the hostility of the Museveni regime towards Rwanda, and the criminality of Ugandan security services.

In the case of most Rwandans abducted by CMI operatives – who typically work with Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC agents – the operatives show no warrants of arrest, but carry guns to intimidate. Their favorite method is to surround their mark then carry him or her away, struggling and protesting. Once inside their vehicle they throw a black hood over the heads of the victim and slap handcuffs on their wrists.

After that they drive away, the victims completely disoriented and unaware where they are being taken. They end up either in CMI’s torture dungeons in Mbuya Military Barracks, or the dozens of ungazetted places of detention, the so-called safe houses, that CMI operates all over the country.

Very many of the Rwandans suffering illegal detention in the neighboring country however are those arrested on concocted charges of “illegal entry” or “illegal stay”, and sent to various prisons. Survivors of the prisons most notably of Kabale and Kisoro talk of inhuman treatment including working on plantations in quasi slave labor conditions, enforced with repeated beatings.

Lawyers have repeatedly argued that Rwandans – as citizens of a member country of the East African Community and who therefore should be protected by Common Market freedoms of movement of people – should not be detained on any alleged illegal entry charges. Proof of their nationality in the form of ID or other travel documents should be enough to let them alone, per protocol on the free movement of people.

On the other hand thousands of Ugandans resident in Rwanda enjoy the protections of Common Market laws, to come and go as they please, and are completely welcome. That is the way it should be, and Uganda should similarly desist from harassing or torturing Rwandan civilians, lawyers and other observers comment.

“To see the behavior of Museveni regime operatives and how they harass Rwandans in violation of regional and international law is beyond belief,” said a Kigali-based attorney that spoke off the record.

Victims of illegal incarceration that they release after periods of time in inhuman Ugandan jails have described being dumped, with nothing, at the border posts. Such was the case earlier this month at the Cyanika and Kagitumba borders when it was reported that two dumped victims had succumbed to all the mistreatment they had undergone, and died.

Uganda’s security came for Rwandans, then for lawyers

By admin

By The New Times

First they came for the Communists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Communist

First they came for the Communists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Communist

Then they came for the Socialists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Socialist

Then they came for the trade unionists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a trade unionist

Then they came for the Jews
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Jew

Then they came for Rwandans
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Rwandan

Then they came for me
And there was no one left
To speak out for me

This is the modified cautionary tale made in 1946 by the German Pastor, Martin Niemöller, about the silence of people who would otherwise be expected to speak up against abuse and how the silence emboldens the abusers to undertake even more brutality. Pastor Martin Niemöller was of the view that the silence of Germany’s elites, including business people, the churches, and the professionals was needed for the purging of almost six million Jews to be possible and the moral of his story is that when those you see as “others” are abused and you remain silent, sooner rather than later the abuse comes calling on your own front door. In other words, it’s better to fight injustice while it is still targetted at the “other”, while you still can as, when it is extended to you, it may already be too late to save yourself.

The Uganda Law Society is living this cautionary tale. For almost two years, Uganda’s security agencies, principally, CMI and ISO, have been in clear violation of Uganda’s constitutional protections by illegally abducting Rwandan citizens in Uganda, incarcerating them in illegal ungazetted detention centres, torturing and sometimes killing them, or deporting those who can count themselves lucky.

For all this time, Ugandans have generally been silent, not because they are people who don’t mind abuse but simply because they were not Rwandans, the target of the violations. Those who dared to say something often uttered veiled justifications for the abuses, the kind that ostensibly served to embolden the Nazis in Germany to greater degrees of abuse of the targetted “other”. The moral equivalence they pushed placed the burden of stopping the abuses on the victims, the leadership in their country. In so doing, they were feeding the monster.

Like Pastor Niemöller warned, the monster they have been feeding is baying for more blood. This time it is the blood of their own, and the way things are quickly evolving, even they themselves may not be spared.

On Wednesday, 31 July 2019, armed men picked up Patrick Mugisha, a partner at Mwesige Mugisha & Co. Advocates, from his chambers in Muyenga, a Kampala suburb. Mugisha was reported missing and a victim of abduction. It turned out that for almost a week he had been held without charge at one of ISO’s notorious illegal ungazetted detention centres in Kyengera, another Kampala suburb.

The Uganda Law Society immediately went to battle for its colleague. On 3 August 2019, its president, Mr Simon Peter Kinobe, wrote a strongly-worded letter and appeared on different television channels to denounce ISO, reminding its director-general Col Kaka Bagyenda of the constitutional violation against abductions, and even of the fact ISO has no arresting powers:

“As Uganda Law Society, we cannot continue to look on as a few individuals descend our country into chaos without reprisal. We cannot be observers in the perpetration of impunity with no call to action. We accordingly call upon all lawyers to action, to prosecute both criminally and in civil court the director of ISO Col Frank Kaka Bagyenda for these acts of impunity and, to demand the immediate unconditional release of our advocates illegally arrested and detained by the said ISO. Should ISO fail to comply with our demands to unconditionally release the detained citizens by Wednesday the 7th Day of August 2019, we shall have no choice but to further escalate the matter,” he wrote.

Mr Kinobe accused Col Kaka of “acting with impunity by kidnapping, intimidating, harassing and arresting lawyers without any reason,” Mr Kinobe warned, as he denounced the illegal holding of the lawyer, “beyond the statutory period of 48 hours,” before giving Col Kaka “up to August 7th to release the lawyer or they prosecute him!”

Uganda’s security organs, ISO and CMI, have consistently, routinely, been holding Rwandans for more than the statutory 48 hours; not even just 48 days. Some Rwandans remain under illegal detention for almost two years; some for more than 700 days.

Now that the Uganda Law Society is a target, perhaps it’s high time it makes the same demands for the innocent Rwandans as it has for its lawyer member: “Release or prosecute them!”

Rwandans were used as practice rounds; the silence from the Ugandan legal community on these clear violations of constitutional protections against illegal abduction and detentions then emboldened the abusers to scale up and extend the abuse to Ugandans. Mr Kinobe had better heed Pastor Martin Niemöller cautionary tale rather than treat Mr Mugisha’s abuse as an exception and in so doing end up feeding and emboldening the Ugandan security state monster. In speaking up for the Rwandans whose human rights are being violated by Ugandan security agencies routinely and with impunity, the Uganda legal fraternity will be ensuring practicing enlightened self-interest, preventing the erosion of Uganda’s constitutional protections against abusive arrests snd detentions. They will be ensuring the abuses are not extended to them tomorrow.

Source: By The New Times / Rwanda

Bonabaana Slips On A Banana Peel Of A Lie In Uganda’s Gov’t Paper

By admin

By KT Press

Prossy Bonabaana as she appeared in Sunday Vision yesterday, August 11. Bonabaana is an agent both of CMI, and Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC.

In an article titled “Woman hunts for husband kidnapped four years ago”, the New Vision newspaper – Uganda’s main government mouthpiece – has given a full page to a Kampala-based senior operative of Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC to pour vitriol on Rwanda.

Prossy Bonabaana, whose title is “National Coordinator” for RNC in Uganda – recently promoted to the group’s Executive Committee – tells a tall tale in the Ugandan paper alleging that Rwandan soldiers “kidnapped her husband”, a Congolese national called Rwema Gendarme. Upon reading through the piece, published in yesterday’s Sunday Vision, one again is struck by the levels of desperation of Ugandan government propaganda in their never-ending attempts to tarnish Rwanda.

There are a lot of holes in the story, beginning with Bonabaana’s very first claim that Rwandan soldiers kidnapped her husband in Kisoro, a town of Uganda.

Throughout the article one will not find any explanation as to the anomaly of the forces of one country apparently acting with utmost freedom to commit a crime in another country. It is beyond childish. Uganda is a country with security forces of its own, what were they doing when members of the Rwandan military supposedly crossed over to kidnap someone there? Neither New Vision, nor Bonabaana explain this.

She claims her husband Rwema called her and supposedly told her, “Rwandan soldiers have kidnapped me”. She doesn’t tell what it is that made him conclude it was Rwandan soldiers. He didn’t say, “This is why I think these are Rwandans”. Neither did Sunday Vision bother to call the UPDF bosses to explain how it was possible for a foreign force to enter Ugandan territory to allegedly kidnap people.

The whole story just looks like a fictitious yarn, which it is. This analysis is borne out by the recent record of Ugandan propaganda organs and their fictions against Rwanda – such as the notorious ChimpReports allegation in May that “Rwandan forces had crossed to Kisoro to look for food and drinks”.

Challenged to produce a single iota of evidence, photographic or audiovisual, ChimpReports’ editor in chief Giles Muhame could only keep quiet and hope for everyone to forget the monster lie. Rwandans on Twitter refused to let him off the hook, challenging him repeatedly to substantiate his claim. Muhame hasn’t, up to now.

The same happened when a Ugandan lawyer in Kisoro was murdered, with pro-Museveni propaganda organs rushing to claim “Rwandan soldiers killed him”. The allegation was even more ridiculous, with the so-called media quoting an unnamed boy as the one that, in the dark of the night, supposedly identified the “Rwandan soldiers”. “With Museveni’s propaganda organs there is no such thing as human shame any more, leave alone professional pride”, said a Kigali journalist.

Bonabaana not only is an important RNC member, she also is an active propagandist of the group and is its spokesperson in Kampala. On 13 January this year she published a pro-RNC piece full of anti-Rwanda talking points and smears identical to those ones that RNC-affiliated individuals regularly publish. That article was on none other than the ChimpReports website.

According to reliable sources, Bonabaana also is an operative of Ugandan Military Intelligence, CMI, and her handler is Col. CK Asiimwe. In the piece in the Sunday Vision in which she alleges kidnap of her husband she gives no reason – and neither does the newspaper – why she thinks Rwandan soldier would do so. What quarrel would Rwandans have with a Munyamulenge trader in Uganda?

She doesn’t say. The whole lie is amateurish beyond belief.

She goes ahead to allege that the supposed Rwandan soldiers “kidnapped her man, bundled him into a car, and drove through Cyanika Border point.” It is right there in the story in the sixth paragraph. The woman has said with her own mouth that her husband’s purported abductors passed through Cyanika Border point.

So, how was it possible that Ugandan border authorities didn’t search through this vehicle – said to be driven by Rwandan military men no less – before allowing it through? Is Prossy Bonabaana claiming the Ugandan authorities were asleep at that time? Is she claiming Ugandan authorities didn’t see the car, as if it was some ghost car that just drove through?

The story gets funnier the more one reads through it. “The day that he was kidnapped, his captors left him with his phone, from 11:00 am to 5:00 pm to call whoever he wanted, including President Yoweri Museveni for no one was going to save him,” Bonabaana says. At this point one has to burst out laughing.

Which kidnapper leaves his captive with a phone for even one second? But Bonabaana is saying her husband’s alleged kidnappers left his phone with him for six full hours, to call whoever he wanted. “Those must be the kindest kidnappers in history,” joked one reader.

Here, one has to pause to get the full implications of the phone claims. Bonabaana herself says her husband was kidnapped in Kisoro and that her kidnappers left him with a phone for hours to call anyone he pleased. She in fact says she was the first person he called to inform her of the kidnap.

The immediate question this raises is: what kind of daft lie is this? Phones are the most dangerous things for kidnappers. Their signals can be traced to the user, raising the possibility of capture or getting killed.

But on top of all that Bonabaana and Sunday Vision expect the reader to believe that a team of Rwandan soldiers, supposedly acting stealthily in dangerous foreign territory, would successfully abduct a man after which they allowed him to go ahead make calls all day? All the while driving to a border post, which they then passed as if there were no authorities?

“Bonabaana must be the most naïve liar on the planet!” one observer chuckled. “The fact that New Vision has published every one of the falsehoods and not bothered to question any of it shows the depths to which this once respectable paper has sunk,” he concluded.

Bonabaana’s lying when one examines it, has the same goal since Museveni decided to work with RNC, FDLR and other groups sworn to destabilize Rwanda and devised their anti-Kigali misinformation policy: to tarnish Rwanda at every chance. The modus operandi includes publishing or airing outright concoctions. The lies take on different variations with the hope that as they throw more dirt perhaps some will stick.

Analyzing The Sunday Vision’s piece it is clear the aim of Bonabaana’s fraudulent claims is to smear Rwandan authorities with the image of kidnappers. Here the reader will remember that Ugandan security bodies are the biggest kidnappers, by far, in the region and beyond.

Only none-state actors like Boko Haram kidnap more people than CMI or ISO, which are the most in the news for kidnap and abduction than any other security agency in Eastern and Central Africa. That is easily verifiable with some online research.

CMI’s attempts to tarnish Rwanda with kidnap or abductions on a certain level reflect acknowledgment of their own criminality. “They know abductions, arrests with no warrants or court orders and the like are crimes, and it must eat them that Rwandan security agencies don’t engage in such. So they come up with these ridiculous fictions,” said a security analyst that preferred anonymity.

Bonabaana in her yarn tries to create an impression of plurality; an impression that Rwanda “has kidnapped many other people than her husband”. Sunday Vision claims, “Through her activism she has met other women whose husbands were kidnapped.”

“We recently formed an organization called the Self-Worth Initiative to give a voice to these women,” she says. The truth about this “Self-Worth Initiative” however is that it is another CMI-created front – specifically to try to lend credence to the idea there indeed is a group of such women, whose husbands purportedly have been “kidnapped by Rwandans”. Its other function is to act as a vehicle of advocacy for RNC.

Bonabaana by the end of the story comes across as completely amateurish at telling lies. In the article she claims to have spent much time in Kigali “looking for her husband”, to the point of going to Rwanda’s Defense Ministry. Yet she claims she is deathly scared of the same military.

In one part of the story she claims she has no idea who “kidnapped” her husband. But in the last sentence she claims she is happy that “individuals who participated in his kidnap have since been arrested and are currently in court!” One’s head spins. Where in any Ugandan court is such a trial taking place?

Only Bonabaana and her New Vision enablers know.

Source: By KT Press / Rwanda

Museveni minions’ spin around Sezibera indicative of deep desperation

By admin

By Jackson Mutabazi

All of a sudden the misinformation specialists of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni are intensely interested in the health of Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Richard Sezibera.

It began with rumors earlier this week by Commandpost – a website and troll Twitter account affiliated to Ugandan Military Intelligence, CMI, as well as Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC – that Sezibera was “admitted in critical condition after poisoning”. Commandpost had nothing to substantiate its allegation.

A few days later, on 8 August, Ofwono Opondo the Uganda Government Spokesperson chose to amplify Commandpost’s allegation by quoting it, which he did in a tweet on his official handle. This act was consistent with the tradition of Museveni government officials acting bizarrely over the years.

In what capacity did Opondo tweet about the health of the official of another country? Everything in Uganda under Museveni seems to function in ways contrary to the norms in most other governments on earth. As a prominent Rwandan Twitter account asked, was Opondo also jumping over to become the spokesman of Rwanda by announcing supposed health updates of Kigali officials?

No one knows. What is clear beyond doubt is that Ofwono Opondo the spokesperson of the Government of Uganda is quoting and re-tweeting an account with affiliations to RNC – a group whose goal is to destabilize Rwanda, and which has perpetrated terrorist attacks in the country with grenade blasts.

It has long been a matter of open knowledge that Museveni has chosen to work with, and provide all kinds of support and facilitation to groups plotting to bring armed conflict back to Rwanda. A UN Group of Experts on DRC in December last year detailed how Uganda is one of the main sources of recruitment for rebels of the so-called P5 grouping in eastern Congo.

CMI and RNC obviously imagine that spreading and disseminating misinformation about any Rwandan official is something that will hurt Rwanda. Opondo – who cannot be acting without the permission of his boss – apparently thinks the same.

Not to be outdone, ChimpReports another paid propaganda mouthpiece of the Museveni regime yesterday, 9 August jumped onto the story, heavily insinuating the same “poisoning” scenario. It too with nothing to substantiate this preposterous claim.

ChimpReports – the same group that a few months ago reported that a platoon of Rwandan soldiers had crossed into Uganda, to Kisoro “looking for food and drink” but when challenged to provide photographic or video evidence, never could – outdid even itself with its article on Sezibera.

The piece read like a eulogy – going as far as detailing aspects of Sezibera’s educational and professional background.

But going by its record ChimpReports might as well have claimed Sezibera was in Kisoro.

Based on nothing much more than the last time Minister Sezibera wrote a tweet or posted something on his WhatsApp account, ChimpReports then spins a tall tale all with the clear intention – just like Ofwono Opondo, and Commandpost – to implicate the Rwandan leadership in some kind of foul play.

“These minions of Museveni’s truly are incredible,” commentators in Kigali said. “Their regime is busy openly murdering people like Ziggy Wine and other supporters of people power, and other Ugandans but they somehow think anyone will pay attention to their desperate lies about Rwanda?”

Others wondered, “Supposing Minister Sezibera was not well, in what way would that be something extraordinary? Isn’t the Minister a human being with the same vulnerabilities as all other human beings?”

The behavior of Museveni’s propagandists on this issue has only revealed the extent of desperation in regime circles as the citizen pressure of Ugandans bears down on them, observers conclude.

If governments can withhold funds from Uganda due to corruption, they can also sanction it for working with terrorist groups – analysts

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Refugees in a camp in Uganda: donor countries are cutting funding due to serious levels of corruption in the country’s refugee program.

The Museveni government is in international news once again for grand corruption – this time with the focus squarely on the country’s refugee program.

Germany has now joined the United Kingdom and Japan in suspending refugee funding to Uganda, according to various news reports. The Ugandan refugee program – which the regime has also weaponized as a source of recruits for groups trying to destabilize Rwanda – can no longer get millions of dollars in funding.

“This is money they have been embezzling as if they are accountable to no one, but all of a sudden accountability is demanded,” commented a Ugandan official that preferred to talk off the record.

Commenting on an aspect of the widespread embezzlement, veteran Ugandan journalist Charles Onyango Obbo wrote in a tweet, “It emerged last year that refugee numbers in Uganda had been deliberately inflated by over 300,000 by colluding aid agencies and Office of the Prime Minister officials who also stole aid resources meant for refugees.”

Inflating refugee numbers is just a tip of the iceberg of the corruption that has been uncovered. According to observers the acts of embezzlement in the handling of refugee affairs reveal that while Ugandan officials – such as Hilary Onek, Minister of Disaster Preparedness and Refugees – have proudly been touting the country as “the most generous, most welcoming” one for refugees, in fact this is another mega scam!

“It is just another of the many scams that have characterized Museveni’s 33 years in power.”

Last year in November a UN investigation of the Ugandan refugee program found “misconduct and corruption that cost millions of dollars.” A report by the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) showed inflated bills, fraud and none-compliance with rules, among other malfeasance that caused losses for the UN refugee agency.

In stating the reasons Germany has decided to withhold its funding, the European country’s ambassador in Kampala, Albrecht Conze, said they were disturbed that the Ugandan Government has not reacted to the corruption scandal ever since it was unearthed, with Uganda claiming it is “still carrying out investigations.”

“What we are particularly disturbed by is that those who seem to be at the center of this machination have not faced justice,” said the German ambassador, as quoted in The Observer newspaper of Kampala. “German has voiced concern ever since the scandal was discovered, and I have now joined my British and Japanese colleagues in making a strong point,” continued the ambassador.

Many, however, are convinced that corruption in Uganda is irreversible – in any government office – and that even more donor countries will cut off funding. “If the president can take a bribe as petty as US$ 500,000 from some random Chinese business fixer, what makes anyone think a good amount of the embezzled refugee money hasn’t ended in Museveni’s pocket?” a Kampala writer asked.

“Any donors that expect accountability will be disappointed because the corruption is sanctioned right from the top.”

The OIOS’s audit covered UNHCR’s (the UN agency for refugees) operations in Uganda for fifteen months, from July 2016 to November 2018. The audit showed excessive fuel use by UNHCR vehicles assigned to officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), which manages refugees and provides contract services to UNHCR.

The audit said OPM paid US$ 283,000 in allowances annually to dozens of its staff but “was unable to provide to OIOS documentation to substantiate that these civil servants were working on UNHCR projects.” The report was just getting started. It continued with how Uganda’s Office of the Prime Minister devised a scam to overbill UNHCR by US$ 7.7 million for water supposedly consumed by refugees – of which about 300,000 were “ghost refugees.”

“Some procurements were done without competitive bidding while others carried insufficient documentation, exposing UNHCR to losses through inflated prices and other losses,” the report revealed. The audit also revealed that while Uganda had been claiming it hosted 1.4 million refugees, the true number was 1.1 million.

Reading through the audit, a Rwandan analyst exclaimed, “no wonder Uganda has refused to implement the Cessation Clause concerning Rwandans. The refugee situation is too juicy for Museveni’s regime to allow even a single one go back home!”

When a cessation clause comes into effect, it means the nationals of a certain country no longer have reason to fear going back to their country of origin, and therefore cannot be refugees anywhere any longer. The clause for Rwandan refugees was signed on 30 June 2013.

It meant every Rwandan could go back home as the reasons that caused them to become refugees had long ended and the country was completely safe for all her nationals, with everyone expecting to enjoy equal protection before the law.

However, Kampala, instead of implementing the Cessation Clause and assist in repatriating Rwandans, began dilly-dallying. They began inventing fictions such as claims that “Rwanda was kidnapping refugees”, and using that to justify none-repatriation. In a shocking display of the symbiotic corruption between Uganda government officials and some officials of UNHCR, they did the opposite of repatriation.

Earlier this year, billboards – with the UNHCR logo – began appearing at different Uganda-Rwanda border posts. The billboards were announcing in three languages, Kinyarwanda, English and French that “anyone that wanted to become a refugee needed only to cross over, and they would be registered”.

The record shows that as much as the Museveni government has been using refugees as a cash cow, Rwandan refugees in particular have been exploited for another nefarious purpose. From the time Museveni began his alliance with Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC, plotting to bring armed conflict back Rwanda, they have been recruiting from camps with sizable Rwandan populations.

This became very public in December 2017 when Ugandan border police intercepted 46 young Rwandans that were travelling on forged Ugandan papers. They first claimed they were going to a bible fellowship in Burundi but upon closer questioning they confessed they were recruits of RNC going to training camps in eastern DRC. It was discovered that Ugandan military intelligence, CMI together with RNC agents had recruited them from refugee camps in western Uganda.

If governments like Germany, UK and Japan can withhold refugee funds because of embezzlement, maybe they can also sanction Uganda because of facilitating a terrorist group bent on causing insecurity in a neighboring country, one analyst commented.

RNC, like Al Qaida, think they are fighting for justice

By admin

By The New Times

If the global war on terror is intended to ensure that no where in the world should terrorists and their sponsors have control of state power, then why does anyone think that the RNC should be an exception?

Imagine that the spokesperson of the global terrorist group Al Qaida told a newspaper that, “We would like to remind the public that we are an organization founded on democratic, justice and human rights principles.” Who would take him seriously?

Even Al Qaida doesn’t see itself as a terrorist organization despite the acts of indiscriminate killings of innocents across the globe, including the attacks on New York’s Twin Towers that claimed the lives of about 3,000 people.

A newspaper carrying Al Qaida propaganda to the effect that the group is “founded on democratic principles,” would surely be received by Americans as provocation and mockery that would only reinforce their resolve on their war on terror.

This has been the pattern of The Daily Monitor’s recent coverage of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC). Its recent 2 August 2019 edition with the title “Exiled Rwandans want to return despite terrorism allegations” sought to portray the group as legitimate contenders for leadership in Rwanda.

If the global war on terror is intended to ensure that no where in the world should terrorists and their sponsors have control of state power, that their efforts to achieve this should be fought tooth and nail, then why does anyone think that the RNC should be an exception?

The RNC has taken up the colour yellow as a show of solidarity with its sponsors, who are also helping it to access this kind of sanitising media coverage.

Shortly after its founding in 2010, Patrick Karegeya, its co-founder with Kayumba Nyamwasa, gave a detailed interview that committed the group to terrorism. Karegeya said it is only through such violence, rather than through democratic processes, that President Kagame can be removed from power, “dictators don’t step down, they are brought down,” he said.

This RNC founding vision was immediately implemented. As is the case with all terrorism, the aim was to make fear widespread in the country so that the population loses confidence in its leadership – after which they may militarily overrun the country with the support of their sponsors.

RNC operatives began to infiltrate the country on such missions. Between 2010 and 2014, a series of attacks claimed 17 lives and injured 460 people in Rwanda.

According to a witness, Corporal Joseph Nshimiyimana, who participated in a July 2013 meeting at Mamba Point Bar in Kampala, at which Kayumba Nyamwasa’s emmissaries from South Africa were also in attendance, the RNC had a plan to disrupt the parliamentary elections scheduled for later that year in September.

The plan was “successful.” Indiscriminate grenade attacks were visited upon Kicukiro market, claiming the lives of Mr Yadufashije and Mr Habiyambere and wounding another 46 innocent people.

How a news organisation can swallow and regurgitate the claims of a group that is supposedly “founded on democratic principles” but sets off to disrupt elections through terror is beyond professional ethics.

Senior FDLR representatives, currently on trial, intercepted in the DRC as they returned from Kampala also confirmed that Uganda’s state minister of regional affairs, Philemon Mateke, had convened the FDLR and RNC for strategic consultations on how to implement instructions from their Ugandan sponsor regarding yet another a plan to blow up Rwanda’s infrastructure.

However, the military violence that was supposed to bolster this terrorism has suffered a setback, as hundreds of young men who had been duped by Kayumba Nyamwasa and his supporters into joining their insurgency suffered a beating in the jungles of the DRC where more than 300 were killed and scores captured alive.

Until Kayumba Nyamwasa leaves the comfort of sausages and cafe lattes in South Africa, from where he commands his armed band of terrorists remotely, it is safe to say that the defeat marks the end of the RNC – since both its terror and military operations have failed miserably.

Which explains the sudden change of tune by the terror organisation, its sponsors, and their decision to shift to a media campaign to push for “dialogue” and “negotiations.”

After their pounding in the DRC, they all of sudden began clamouring for “dialogue.” Apparently, the “peace-loving” terrorists were willing to negotiate but Rwanda’s leadership wasn’t.

Similarly, the “exiled Rwandans” want to return home, if only everyone, especially the leadership in Rwanda, would forget that they have been involved in terrorism. Even the families that lost their loved ones in those terror attacks are supposed to ignore that any of that ever happened.

What kind of democratic principles are they preaching that don’t have accountability for terrorism?

The RNC has taken up it’s sponsor’s colour yellow. Soon they will, no doubt, also be donning its similarly coloured hats.

If this is all it takes to successfully rebrand the terrorist RNC as an organisation representing “founding democratic principles,” then even Al Qaida would be impressed!

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Museveni’s confidence was shaken by Rwandans, William Pike reveals in book

By admin

By The New Times

The author of the book, who headed state-owned Uganda’s New Vision for two decades, knew Museveni before the latter came to power in 1986.

William Pike, the former Editor-in-Chief of New Vision, a state-owned Ugandan newspaper, has published a memoir that gives insights into President Yoweri Museveni’s deep-rooted loath for Rwanda’s leadership.

These insights may well explain the continued kidnapping, arbitrary arrests, torture, and irregular deportations of innocent Rwandans by Uganda, and Kampala’s continued support for elements hostile to the Rwandan government.

The book, Combatants: A memoir of the Bush War and press in Uganda, is centred on Museveni’s 30-year rule of the East African country.

Pike, who headed New Vision for two decades, knew Museveni before he came to power in 1986 and before he became the chief editor of the newspaper.

The long-serving editor worked closely with Uganda’s president and other senior government and military officials and met Museveni on several occasions.

In the book, the British born-Pike refers on several occasions, to one-on-one discussions he held with President Museveni and how he had direct access by telephone to the President, any time of the day.

According to Pike, it all started when officers of Rwandan origin, who had helped Museveni to successfully overthrow Milton Obote and bring him to power, plotted to return to their country – Rwanda.

“It is surprising that he (Fred Rwigyema) could do this without telling us but as you know these Banyarwanda have a big problem of wanting to go back to their country,” Pike quotes Museveni as telling him during an interview conducted during the former’s time at New Vision.

Pike then asked him whether the RPA invasion without his knowledge was a failure of National Resistance Army (NRA)’s intelligence or the result of the NRA turning a blind eye to the plans of the Banyarwanda soldiers in their ranks.

“This took us by surprise. We had been getting intelligence reports which we shared with the Rwanda authorities (Juvenal Habyarimana’s government) but they were not confirmed,” Museveni said. “We got some information that people were deserting but what surprised us was the scale and rapidity of the desertions.”

“There was A plus B but he (Rwigema) only told me of A. Yet I could have helped him,” Museveni told Pike. Rwigema, one of the highest-ranking Rwandan exiles that were part of the army that brought Museveni to power in 1986, was killed in the early days of Rwanda’s liberation struggle that was launched on October 1, 1990.

Rwigema would later be replaced by now-President Paul Kagame who returned from military training in the U.S to join the struggle to liberate Rwanda.

The insights in Pike’s book show that Museveni was probably against Rwandan refugees returning home, and poke holes into claims that he was instrumental in the successful liberation struggle that brought to an end the genocidal regime in Kigali in July 1994.

“Museveni said he could only support consensus, an agreement between Habyarimana and the refugees. He would not directly support either the RPF or the Rwandese government. The Rwanda government was an oppressive dictatorship and the RPF deserters had betrayed his trust,” Pike writes in his 294-page book.

He adds: “It was not surprising that Museveni’s confidence was shaken. He had just become Chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (now African Union) and the invasion of Rwanda reflected very badly on him.

“It served to confirm Kenya and Zaire’s allegations that Uganda had territorial ambitions in East Africa. The invasion was a public relations disaster.”

According to Pike, Museveni was bitter at the damage the invasion had done to his reputation as a statesman. It shook his confidence and left him feeling betrayed.

Pike’s revelations could probably explain – at least in part – why Museveni’s government has adopted a hostile attitude against Rwanda’s leadership, according to an observer. And, the observer added, continued failed efforts by Museveni to run Rwanda as his vassal state over the last 25 years appear to have only made matters worse.

Source: The New Times / Rwanda

Rwanda-Uganda relations: You can obscure facts but you can’t change them

By admin

By The New Times

Thirty odd years ago I used to follow keenly the speeches of a young rebel turned president. I was not the only one. Many others were fascinated by him. He was not the usual type of rebel – rough and intimidating.

Yes, he had come to power through force of arms, but he was also ready to debate issues and convince people by force of argument. Or at least that was the impression.

That man was Yoweri Museveni who had just become president of Uganda after waging a five-year bush war. What he said had a ring of freshness about it. Coming after years of listening to the uninspiring exhortations of Mtukufu Rais (Daniel Arap Moi) in Kenya and Amin’s jumbled words that were both intimidating and amusing, this view was understandable.

He said the right revolutionary things that young people found attractive. There was some impatience about it, of a man who was in a hurry to fix things that had been broken for a long time. He had this brashness, impudence and arrogance that added to the attraction.

He lambasted past leaders of Uganda and called them very colourful names such as “swine”

Many thought this was a case of youthfulness and inexperience in government and the euphoria of victory. They thought that the cares of state would eventually temper it. They were mistaken. The arrogance appears to have grown with stay in office and spread to his associates, and in cases turned to impunity. One hears of generals who do things that ordinarily are crimes but get away with it because they think they are perfectly entitled to exceptional conduct.

President Museveni and his associates in the National Resistance Movement (NRM) were dismissive of anyone who did not share their ideological persuasion and accused them of many sins. For instance, they were guilty of bankruptcy of every sort or of obscurantism. Or they were backward or had fascist tendencies.

When he made these accusations, he would go into teaching mode, to explain these words to the rest whom he deemed not to have the wit to understand them. That was another trait whose real nature went unnoticed at the time. It now appears that what passed for a desire to explain was actually a case of condescension.

Some of the freshness was due to his story-telling and folksy manner. His speech was spiced with very colourful language and proverbs from Runyankore. That was then. Now the stories, jokes and proverbs have been repeated so many times that they have become stale and predictable and no longer amusing.

Over the last three decades, some of those words he used frequently have dropped from usage. You don’t hear people being called backward or bankrupt. There are no more accusations of obscurantism. But the change is not because what they defined has not disappeared.

They have actually become more entrenched and visible. That may explain why it is not necessary to call a thing you see everyday by its rather unusual name. They have become so usual that they are no longer strange or exceptional.

Take obscurantism fro example. It is a word rarely used outside intellectual or philosophical discourse. In fairness we must give Museveni and his NRM cadres from the bush credit for liberating it from such limited usage and bringing it into everyday language.

The irony, however, is that they have become trapped by it and become adherents of its practice, especially in relations with other states.

What exactly does obscurantism mean? According to different dictionaries, it is a policy of withholding knowledge from the public, deliberate obscurity or evasion of clarity, a deliberate act intended to make something obscure, or practice of deliberately preventing facts or the full details of some matter becoming known

The above definitions are apt descriptions of the way the Uganda government presents to the public the cause of the current frosty relations between Rwanda and Uganda. They have deliberately prevented their nationals from getting the correct facts about these relations. They have chosen to present the problem between the two countries as a border issue, actually accusing Rwanda of closing the border.

Only last week in Kabale district of south-western Uganda bordering Rwanda, President Museveni assured the residents that the border issue would soon be resolved. That is the same line his government and the Ugandan media has taken.

Yet as everyone knows, including President Museveni and his government, the issue with the relations is not the border. First of all, it was never closed. Only one crossing point at Gatuna was partially closed to heavy traffic. The other two, Cyanika and Kagitumba, have remained fully open.

The real issues that have been personally presented to President Museveni and also made public are these: the Uganda government’s support for genocidal and terrorist organisations (FDLR,RNC and others) intent on destabilising Rwanda, the abduction of countless Rwandas, their torture and detention without trial and in unknown places, and blocking Rwandan exports passing through Uganda.

Museveni, his government and the media in Uganda have studiously kept silent on these issues as if they do not know them or they do not exist. They prefer to peddle the border closure lie.

It is shocking that the media has become complicit in obscuring facts when its role is to unearth them and get them known. This is not due to lack of information. It can only be because it has either been compromised or intimidated.

And so thirty three years on, obscurantism has ceased to be a term of abuse reserved for people supposedly intellectually and ideologically inferior. Uganda government officials have become masters of the art they once derided. I don’t know whether that helps them or not. Probably hurts them.

But as they say, you can obscure facts, but you won’t erase them. You can hide the truth for a while, but eventually it will come out.

Source: By The New Times / Rwanda

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