Nubwo mu muco wacu amaribori afatwa nka bimwe mu biranga ubwiza bw'umukobwa cyangwa umugore, bamwe mu bayafite abatera ipfunwe iyo akabije kuba menshi. Muri iyi nkuru turareba ibitera amaribori nuko wayagabanya igihe utayashaka.
Amaribori aterwa nuko uruhu ruba rutarimo gukweduka neza ngo rwakire umubyibuho uje utunguranye.
Amaribori ashobora kugabanuka ariko iyo yaje ari menshi ntashobora gusubirayo burundu yose.
Ibitera amaribori :
• kubyibuha bitunguranye cyane cyane iyo umuntu ahinduye indyo yaryaga agatangira kurya ibintu birimo amavuta menshi n'amasukari menshi.
• Kuva mu bwana ujya mu bwangavu cyangwa mu bugimbi nabyo bitera amaribori
• Guterura ibyuma
Ni iki wakora kugirango amaribori agabanuke ?
Kugira ngo amaribori agabanuke hari amavuta atandukanye wakwisiga amaribori akabanuka, nubwo akenshi aribyiza kuyisiga mugihe witegura kuyagira urug: nk'igihe wasamye inda, igihe uziko ugiye kujya uterura ibyuma kuko nabwo umubiri umera nkukwedutse, ushobora no kuyakoresha igihe ubona atangiye kuza akiri make. aho rero yuyafatiranye ataraba menshi ushobora kuyarwanya, iyo yaje nabwo ushobora kugerageza ayo mavuta nabwo arayagabanya. hano twakurangira nk'amavuta ya musitela ushobora kwisiga yitwa (mustela stretch marks) wayagurira kuri murukali.com bakayakugezaho cg mu ma pharmacy atandukanye.
Mustela Stretch Mark ikoreshwa ite ?
Ni amavuta akoreshwa kugira ngo wirinde cyangwa ugabanye amaribori. Umuntu ayisiga kabiri ku munsi aho amaribori ari. mustela Anti-Stretch Mark ni nziza cyane ku mubyeyi utwite ufite amaribori ku nda kandi akomeza no kuyikoresha amaze kubyara bityo umubiri wo ku nda ugasubira gusa nka mbere.
Mu gihe rero ufite amaribori utifuza, ubwo nibwo bumwe mu buryo bworoshye wakoresha ukuyagabanya.
President Paul Kagame has commended the historic meeting between the leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia in Asmara, describing it as the right thing for the people of the two neighbouring countries.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed arrived at Asmara International Airport on Sunday, for a meeting with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki a moment many political commentators termed as “historic”.
It has been close to two decades since leaders of the two neighbouring countries have met.
Prime Minister Abiy’s arrival in Asmara took the city by storm with thousands lining up on the streets to welcome the leader for the talks with his host.
Kagame, who is the current Chairperson of the African Union Summit, welcomed the meeting.
“We salute the leaders; PM of Ethiopia Dr. Abiy Ahmed and President Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea for their courage and doing the right thing for their people of the two countries! We congratulate you and are with you….!” Kagame tweeted.
The meeting was the first of its kind between leaders of the two Horn of Africa neighbors since their war 1998-2000 war in which around 80,000 people died on both sides.
Eritrea achieved independence from Ethiopia amicably in 1993 but the two countries swiftly became bitter enemies.
Eritrean leader Isaias Afwerki welcomed Abiy at Asmara’s airport on Sunday morning before they departed for the State House for talks that lasted all day.
Images of both men hugging took the continent by the storm, trending all day on social networks.
The two embraced again at the state dinner, hosted by Afwerki and broadcast on both countries’ state television.
“The tumultuous welcome accorded to Prime Minister Abiy underscores how much the people of Eritrea cherish peace…plaudits for Dr. Abiy for the bold political choice he has taken that will recoup lost time and opportunity in the past 20 years,” the hosting Head of State is quoted as having said.
Eritrea’s Information Minister Yemane G. Meskel tweeted; “this historic official visit … heralds a new era of peace and cooperation. The summit would, set the tone for rapid, positive changes on the basis of respect of sovereignty & territorial integrity, equality and mutual interest of both countries,” he wrote.
“The yearning for peace was palpable (and) we’ll decidedly move forward for the good of our people,” Abiy’s chief of staff wrote on Twitter, alongside photos of cheering Eritreans on the streets of Asmara waving their own and Ethiopia’s flags.
Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki drinks coffee with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Asmara Eritrea. / Net photo
A direct international telephone connection between the two countries was restored “for the first time after two decades”, he wrote.
However, the sides did not make clear whether the most immediate issue — Abiy’s pledge to finally implement all terms of a 2000 peace deal with Eritrea — had been addressed.
In early June, Ethiopia announced it would honor all the terms of the 2000 peace deal, suggesting it might be ready to settle the border dispute.
Eritrea responded positively, sending a delegation to Addis Ababa last month for a meeting at which Abiy announced that Ethiopian Airlines would resume flights to Eritrea.
Ethiopia, Eritrea to re-open embassies
Agencies reported that the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea announced on Sunday they would re-open their embassies, hailing a stunningly swift rapprochement between bitter regional enemies at their first summit since a war two decades ago.
The two leaders personally symbolized the breakthrough, embracing warmly and swaying side by side to live traditional music at a lavish state dinner in the Eritrean capital.
Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. / Net photo
They opened phone lines between the two countries that had been cut for two decades, and land-locked Ethiopia said it would be given access to the sea at an Eritrean port.
The talks were the product of an unexpected peace initiative by Ethiopia’s new reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, which could transform the Horn of Africa region, ending decades of animosity during which both countries remained isolated and dominated by their security forces.
Abiy said they had agreed to re-open embassies in each other’s capitals, and that his landlocked nation of 100 million would begin using a port in Eritrea, which is on the Red Sea. He did not identify which port.
Bold reform agenda
Abiy, a 41-year-old former intelligence officer who took office in April, is pushing other bold reforms to open Ethiopia up to the outside world after decades of security-obsessed isolation. He has pardoned dissidents, lifted a state of emergency and pledged to partly privatize key state-owned firms.
Across the border, Eritrea is one of the world’s most isolated and repressive nations and has long used the Ethiopian threat to justify hefty military spending and long-term military conscription, which has caused hundreds of thousands of young men to flee, mostly to Europe.
Eritrea may have seen an opportunity in Abiy’s reform agenda, which marks a stark departure from the approach of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ethnic Tigrayan party that had dominated Ethiopia’s ruling EPRDF coalition since the early 1990s.
Last Monday, June 25, the Magistrates Court in Mbarara released 39 Rwanda National Congress (RNC) recruits who have been in custody awaiting trial for breach of laws precluding refugees from involvement in criminal activities, including taking part in plans to overthrow another country, and using forged documents, among other violations. The recruits are part of the group of 46 young men who were intercepted trying to cross at Kikagati, along the Uganda-Tanzania border, on December 11, 2017.
The young men appeared suspicious to Uganda immigration officers after the officers discovered that they were carrying fake travel documents.
In addition to the fake documents, the stories about where they were going and the purpose of travel were not consistent. The young men had been coached by officers of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) that when they reach immigration they should say they are going for an evangelical mission in Tanzania. However, most of them failed to stay on the script. They couldn’t answer simple questions about the name of the church they were going to; neither could they recall the name of the pastor of the church. Some of them panicked and revealed that someone was waiting for them in Bujumbura to take them to the RNC training Center in Minembwe, DRC via Bujumbura.
The immigration officers immediately alerted the police. Efforts by Captain Charles Byaruhanga, the CMI officer attached to Kikagati border, to intervene with “orders from above” clearing the recruits to continue their journey proved fruitless; neither did those of Major Fred Mushambo, the UPDF 2nd Division Intelligence Officer (IO). The police took the recruits to Isingiro police station. While there, they revealed that they had been recruited from different places in Uganda (Nyakivala, Kiboga, Kibale, and Mubende) to join the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), and revealed their recruiters as Musoni Jeffrey, Moses Bijura, Felix Mwizerwa, and Dr. Sam Ruvuma. Among the recruiters, only Musoni, a former Sgt deserter in the Rwanda Patriotic army (RPA), and Bijura, a pastor in Rubare, Ntungamo, were arrested at Kikagati. Dr. Sam Ruvuma, a brother to Lt. Colonel Gideon Katinda of the military court, and Felix Mwizerwa, a son of Pastor Deo Nyirigira, also a known RNC coordinator in Mbarara, somehow managed to flee the scene at Kikagati, abandoning the young recruits there. Dr. Sam Ruvuma was only arrested by police days later in Mbarara and kept for a few days before he was released following orders from “way” above. He is back to his RNC recruitment activities in, and around, Mbarara. As for Felix Mwizerwa, he has now relocated to Minembwe, DRC, where he is an RNC Commander.
The release of the 39 recruits last week was a result of a bribe that was given to the magistrate judge handling their case. This bribe, sources say, was negotiated on behalf of the RNC by Edgar Tabaro Muvunyi of the law firm Karuhanga, Tabaro, and Associates. Moreover, the remaining seven, including the recruiters Bijura and Musoni, whose case is at the High Court, are also expected to be released soon, according to testimony from those who have been set free and are now back to Nyakivale, Bubende, Kiboga, and Kampala. They have been told to prepare to continue with their journey to the RNC camp in the DRC in the coming weeks. Meanwhile, one of the recruits from Kibale, upon his release from jail, returned home angry because of the suffering he had been duped into by the person who recruited him. He reported the RNC recruiter in the area to the police, which promptly arrested him (the recruiter). However, it is expected that he will also be released like the rest of them. On March 25 during a joint press conference between President Museveni and President Kagame, the Ugandan president acknowledged that, “When I met president Kagame in Addis Ababa he gave me some facts which I followed up. A group of Banyarwanda was being recruited through Tanzania and Burundi to go to Congo. They said they were going for church work but when they were interrogated it was found the work was not exactly religious. It was something else.”
Museveni’s own admission of a rebel group being recruited in his country with the support of his intelligence agencies ends up with the recruits being freed without charges brought against them, and are now free to proceed to the rebel training grounds in the DRC. Significantly, the release of the recruits by the courts after such admission from the president himself does more than embolden the RNC and CMI in their scheme to destabilize Rwanda; it’s nothing short of an instruction of intent from the Commander in Chief. Which leads to the questions: What message does Uganda send to Rwanda when rebels recruited to fight the latter are caught and set free? And has Uganda thought well and hard that this is the message it really wants to send to its neighbour??
Source: The Standard Digital
By Samson Sekalala
In an ongoing effort to look for scapegoats for Uganda’s problems, a news website ChimpReports has – as usual without an iota of proof – made several serious allegations.
The first is that “Museveni has obtained intelligence from many quarters that ‘a country’ wanted Gen. (Kale) Kayihura to succeed him.”
No prizes for guessing which “country” that website coyly references, for it is no secret that Museveni’s leadership these days has found a nemesis to pile blame on for each and every one of Uganda’s calamities that result from a leadership that has totally run out of ideas.
The website goes on to throw around some really wild allegations. “Gen. Kayihura, one of Museveni’s finest military strategists, was suspected of being involved in a grand plan supported by external forces to take power,” it says.
And how, according to this “news report”, was that alleged grand plan to be carried out? The website says the plan was to turn Uganda into a failed state by promoting crime especially kidnaps, assassinations and bombings. “This would kill the economy as well as scare away potential tourists and investors”.
Who in their mind really believes that there is any external help needed to “turn” Uganda into a failed state? Even the regime’s insiders like Kasule Lumumba, the NRM Secretary General, have openly admitted that an “implosion” is taking place within Uganda’s leadership and that the main cause is none other than Gen. Museveni.
Why then help to turn Uganda into a failed state when Museveni is entirely capable of doing so all by himself?
As obvious as the answers to these questions are, the article nonetheless continues to the end in that line of thinking.
Why would it take other countries to “promote crime” in Uganda when Museveni is there? Who doesn’t know that Museveni and his Mafia-like Bahima cabal have been inflicting endless crimes on poor Ugandan for well over three decades?
Their thieving started from the word go when each passing day Ugandans saw their hard-earned savings go up in smoke after the regime unilaterally declared it was introducing a new currency and people were told that for every 7000 shillings they were to get 1!
After that, it was theft of people’s coffee and other cash crops, which Honorable Nandala Mafabi has clearly demonstrated on numerous occasions. As the regime got greedier it got more violent and the calamities we see today only are the logical outcome of that process.
The assassinations, the kidnappings, terrorism, and all kinds of crimes are a consequence of Museveni’s particular brand of leadership that sows division and then chaos, as is now the case in the security forces.
But Museveni and his intelligence agencies shameless propaganda machine think Ugandans have such short memories that they forget that even before people like Abiriga, Kaweesi and others so sadly lost their lives, Ugandans whether powerful, prominent or just ordinary citizens have been losing their lives through senseless violence for years.
Read also: THE ALARMING SITUATION IN MUSEVENI’S UGANDA
This was long before Museveni and his intelligence propagandists had discovered external scapegoats.
The list of those Ugandans is too long to go into here, beginning with fellows like Col. Jet Mwebaze, Brig. Noble Mayombo, Gen. Kazini, several Muslim clerics, and so many others.
But Museveni is a man whose character is too capricious to ever admit what is now obvious to everyone: the man is sinking the ship and drowning Ugandans along the way.
Does Museveni truly believe that Ugandans are that gullible that they don’t see that by turning to scapegoats he is attempting to deflect from his own weaknesses and the sinking ship of a regime?
As Museveni tries to sink while holding Ugandans at ransom, does he as well aim to go down with the entire region, and could this be the reason for blaming other countries for his failures?
Source: The watchman.
President Yoweri Museveni recently went to Parliament to try to reassure Ugandans that the security situation in the country is under control. After spending much of the speech on some rant where he mistakenly raised questions about his own identity, he read out a 10 point programme of measures for addressing the runaway insecurity that has seen rampant assassinations and abductions mostly in Kampala. However, it seems Ugandans were able to see through the panic in his delivery and no one thinks Museveni is capable of solving the problem and everyone is out to protect themselves. Days after Museveni’s speech, Members of Parliament demanded to meet the President to address their own security. There, they complained to Museveni how police officers had refused to protect them for fear that they would also be assassinated with them. The police no longer want to guard VIPs. They have come to know that to guard an MP or any other important politician or big official is to invite death.
The MPs feel particularly targeted. Why? The main reason, everyone knows, is that Museveni’s insistence on removing the presidential age limit so as to go on ruling has escalated the resentment of ordinary wananchi. The result is that a politician who was vocal in removing the age limit now feels like he or she is walking around in the crosshairs.
Read: WITCH HUNT: WHEN UGANDANS KNOW THE TRUTH BUT CONTINUE TO LIE
But how did Museveni respond when the poor junior cops in understandable fear for their lives became reluctant to guard MPs? The president ordered IGP Ochola to sack each and officer who refused to risk their lives! Consequently, one question being asked in the streets of Kampala is this: Who will protect the protectors? If the people mandated to protect and have weapons to do so feel insecure, what does that say about the prospects for security in that country under the Museveni leadership? More importantly, ultimately, the decision to take the meeting with MPs is itself an admission on Museveni’s part that his speech in parliament was a total failure and that it did little to reassure the country on security. Moreover, the speech made the MPs quiver and demand more security, what does that say about the security of the Mwanainci?
Read also: “IT WASN’T ME!” UGANDA MASTERS ART OF SHIFTING BLAME
Which leads to another question. If Museveni has proven inept in handling the insecurity in the Uganda, what should be expected in the coming days? First, he is going to double down on finding others –inside and outside the country – to blame for his ineptitude. Second, Ugandans should brace themselves for a crackdown, Amin style. Don’t look too far for examples. A group of women decided to protest the kidnaps and murders, which specifically targeted women. The publicly known cases of women that had been kidnapped or murdered numbered 82, just between February and June this year. How did the state respond? Museveni ordered the IGP, Ochola, to block the protest by any means necessary. The women were warned that further demonstrations risked their lives. The irony: protesting violence is inviting violence as a solution! Similarly, Museveni has been threatening the opposition. The media was the first casualty. On matters of security it either plays deaf or publishes regime propaganda that places blame on ‘outsiders’ and the opposition. With the media down for the count, the crackdown on the opposition is expected to buy time for a regime that no longer seems capable of getting out of its own way.
Those old enough to have been around in the Amin era know how it ends: A system that can no longer protect women and children cannot stand.
For most of the time he has ruled us, we know President Museveni really is an endless source of comedy. Of course, those that usually suffer the consequences of his dangerous games will not be laughing.
So, we are told, Museveni is going to save the South Sudan talks. But scratch a little bit below the surface and you will see the fellow’s dangerous meddling in South Sudan’s affairs.
When fighting erupted in Juba a few years ago, most sensible people in Uganda tried to warn him against fueling that conflict through his cowboy diplomacy.
Only Museveni believed he could be a neutral arbiter of a conflict to which he had been part of the cause.
Museveni likes to patronize and once someone, including his colleagues, refuse to be patronised a serious problem arises.
In the lead up to independence in South Sudan, it became clear to Museveni that once Garang was president, he wouldn’t be able to exercise the kind of leverage and control he had has over him during the decade-long civil war. And so, Museveni decided to prevent the problem by eliminating it. A dead Garang would at the very least divide the SPLM and prolong Museveni’s control over matters in that country. Even his decision to take sides in the conflict was intended to prolong.
However, even if Museveni hadn’t necessarily taken sides in this particular conflict, the very idea that Museveni would be an impartial intermediary in any conflict truly is a sick joke.
This is a man who talks peace during the day and plays spoiler during the night.
South Sudanese have had to suffer as a result of this. Thousands have been killed and others fled mostly to our country.
Sadly, the people of Burundi are also learning the same hard lessons of “Museveni the peacemaker.”
When Burundian leader Pierre Nkurunziza illegally announced he was staying in power, it led to widespread protests in 2015. The violence left more than a couple of thousand dead, hundreds of thousands fleeing across the borders, thousands internally displaced and a ruined economy.
The East African Community tried to do something, but then made the bad mistake of appointing President Yoweri Museveni mediator – supposedly to bring together all the opposing parties in Burundi to find a peaceful resolution.
In fact, Nkurunziza must have said God himself had answered his prayers. Museveni was squarely on his side as the man went about his reign of terror, subduing Burundian civilians with the brutality of police repression, Imbonerakure militias, and the open terror of murders, disappearances and mass graves.
What did Museveni do in all that? He turned a blind eye. He did not for once reprimand Nkurunziza. On the contrary, Museveni’s acts – together with those of Benjamin Mkapa, former Tanzanian leader and appointed “facilitator” of the supposed peace process – legitimized Nkurunziza like he was the lawful head of state.
They treated the Burundi opposition as if they merely were a nuisance that should keep quiet. Talk to any Burundian citizen in exile in Uganda (or anywhere in the region) and they will tell you Nkurunziza has been a calamity for them. But Museveni has been a close second.
Any poor Burundian exile has very bitter opinions about President Museveni, especially because they believe they had cornered Nkurunziza. And then Museveni showed up.
Just as he has shown up last minute to take credit for what others have done after messing up South Sudan, Museveni will do the same once Burundians have found a way forward.
President Kagame said that the Volkswagen plant in Rwanda is proof that global brands that assemble high-quality products in Africa have customers on the continent.
President Paul Kagame has said that Africa should not be a dumping ground for used products from developed markets.
President Kagame was speaking Wednesday morning at the launch of Volkswagen Mobility Solutions Rwanda located in the Special Economic Zone.
The German carmaker was launching a plant to assemble, service and retail cars as well as their first integrated mobility solution.
Kagame said that the assembly plant in Rwanda is proof that global brands that assemble high-quality products in Africa have customers on the continent.
President Paul Kagame speaks during the event.
“Not only can global brands assemble high-quality products in Africa, they can also find customers here. Africa is not merely positioning itself as a new low-cost hub to manufacture goods for export. African consumers will also be among the biggest contributors to growth in global demand in the years ahead,” the President said.
Kagame said that settling for second hand products often leads to higher costs in the long run.
“Africa does not need to be a dumping ground for second-hand cars, or second-hand anything. In the long run, you end up paying a higher price anyway. If you pay a high price for second hand, why not pay for something new. Africa and Rwanda deserve better and this is one way of showing we can afford it,” he noted.
Thomas Schaefer, Volkswagen Group South Africa and Sub- Saharan Africa Managing Director.
With VW having similar operations in various African countries including Kenya, Kagame said that it’s important for regional countries to work together to attract and retain investments as well as create value.
The Head of State said that the investment by the firm in the region further pointed to the need to build an integrated regional manufacturing base.
“This operation reminds us of the importance of working regionally. Our Kenyan brothers and sisters are a key part of this international team. Rwanda and Kenya will be benefitting each other directly with Volkswagen right in the middle of it” Kagame said.
President Paul Kagame and Thomas Schaefer, the Volkswagen Group South Africa and Sub- Saharan Africa Managing Director.
Part of the staff in the assembly plant and service station are Kenyan while a section of Rwandan staff were trained in Kenya.
The President noted that Africa’s best chances of moving up the industrial value chain from assembly to manufacturing was by building integrated regional manufacturing bases.
This would see various parts produced from different countries in the region as opposed to being flown from overseas.
“In the medium-term, the only way for us in East Africa to move up the industrial value chain from assembly to manufacturing is to build an integrated regional manufacturing base. When we shift from a logic of competition to one of cooperation, we all gain. Success is about partnership and leveraging our strengths,” he said.
The President also hailed local tech startup, Awesomity, chosen by Volkswagen to develop a mobility solution which is likely to be adopted across the continent and beyond.
“We want to encourage our young people and many more to be behind the kinds of innovations that will work for the many industries that will be developed here,” he said.
Speaking at the event, Thomas Schäfer, chief executive of Volkswagen Group South Africa said that Rwanda was an ideal market for new mobility solutions because the citizens are digitally-minded and tech-savvy.
With an annual production capacity of up to 5,000 units, the firm plans to build up to 1,000 vehicles per year depending on demand and the success of the mobility fleet. Volkswagen will spend US $20 million in Rwanda for phase one.
The sales and service retail outlet, CFAO Volkswagen Rwanda is also part of the investment.
President Paul Kagame has called for increased partnership between multiple players in the Northern Corridor to fast-track the development of citizens.
The President was speaking at the 14th Summit of the Northern Corridor Integration Projects (NCIP) held in Nairobi, Kenya.
The summit, hosted by President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, was the first Northern Corridor summit to be held since 2016.
During his speech, President Kagame called for the re-examining of required efforts to enable the implementation of joint projects that will develop lives of citizens.
“We had made headway in bringing government, businesses, local and foreign investors in partnership to enable these projects that are important to the development of our citizens,”
“There is always going to be a lot of work to do but this moment provides an opportunity to re-examine what has been done and what we still need to do,” the head of state said.
During the summit which was preceded by a ministerial meeting, the leaders reviewed the progress made in the implementation of the various resolutions reached at the 13th Summit.
Northern Corridor key projects
Among the key projects that featured prominently during the meeting is the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) which is supposed to connect the port of Mombasa to Kigali via Uganda.
On this, the leaders directed that application for financing of Kampala–Bihanga–Mirama–Kigali, Tororo-Gulu–Nimule/Gulu–Pakwach sections be expedited.
President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya.
The leaders commended the implementation of a modern railway network in Kenya as part of the first phase of the SGR from Mombasa to Nairobi.
The preliminary engineering design of the new SGR line from Kampala to Kigali was completed in January 2018.
In the joint communiqué, the East African leaders reaffirmed their commitment to advancing regional integration while underscoring the importance of accelerating socio-economic transformation, industrialisation and employment creation.
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of Uganda.
To ease the circulation of petroleum products in the region as a key source of industrial and domestic energy, the leaders agreed to come up with ‘the Lake Victoria intermodal transport system’ pending consultations on re-scoping of refined petroleum products pipeline.
Further, the leaders agreed to allocate more funding for the development of centres of excellence to support creation of requisite human resource capacities needed for the implementation and sustenance of NCIP projects.
On the setting up of a commodities exchange, the Summit received an update on the harmonisation of standards for commonly traded commodities and directed partner states to fast track the process.
“The summit directs partner states to expedite development of interlined trading platforms,” leaders noted in the communiqué.
The summit also considered and adopted the Accession Treaty to the Mutual Defence Pact and agreed to finalise an agreement on the establishment of a Centralised Aeronautical Database for the Northern Corridor Airspace bloc.
The Heads of State were also briefed on the progress being made in ICT and will be keen on the status of the One Network Area (ONA) for voice which is fully operational in all the partner states, while ONA for data is operational in Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda.
Also present at the summit was President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda while President Salva Kiir of South Sudan was represented by a special envoy Aggrey Tisa Sabuni.
The summit was also attended by Kenya’s Deputy President William Ruto as well as representatives of Tanzania, Burundi and Ethiopia, countries which have an observer status in the NCIP.
It has long been obvious, even to a child that the state in Uganda is unraveling. Sadly for everyone in the region, government in Uganda is slowly but steadily coming apart. Uganda is for all intents and purposes without leadership. The positions of leadership in the country have occupants, but actual leadership is absent. This is not to insult the good people of Uganda. Very many of them say the same thing.
We will see how this lack of leadership has culminated in the Museveni government blaming everyone else (including Rwanda), but itself for the insecurity, chaos and general lawlessness sadly prevailing in what used to be The Pearl of Africa.
To start with, the deficit in leadership has affected people from all walks of life: the poor, the in-between and the rich and powerful. The country’s citizens are crying daily for deliverance from the living nightmare their life is becoming under President Yoweri Museveni and the ruling NRM. Every day the Ugandan media is full of bloodcurdling stories. If you have a small child, you live in fear that someone will abduct him or her, and they will end up in the clutches of some witchdoctor to be butchered in child sacrifice rituals. If you are an adult, you aren’t that safe either. An ongoing wave of kidnappings for ransom has hit Uganda, leaving very many scared witless. “Where are we to go now?” is a frequently asked question in the country. As for those in the highest echelons of society, it is hard to imagine how frightened they must be if even the most senior members of the security forces (think James Kazini and Andrew Felix Kaweesi) are not safe from common “Boda Boda” assassins. Or whoever else feels empowered to move around Uganda’s towns with illegally acquired weapons.
To watch Uganda today is, for those old enough to have seen the seventies and early eighties, to have a sense of déjà vu. Uganda under President Museveni today is becoming more and more like the lawless times of Idi Amin, and of Obote 2. If Archbishop Janan Luwum, and prominent people like him could be murdered in broad daylight, with utmost impunity, how is that different from the gunning down of Muslim clerics now, or the shooting of senior policemen, members of parliament, and so on? Here is only a small list of prominent Ugandans that have been shot and killed, with no one charged for the crimes, just since 2012 (we will not include others that died natural-seeming, yet mysterious deaths): Muslim clerics murdered included, Sheikh Abdul Karim Sentamu who was gunned down on a crowded street in the capital in April 2012. Sheikh Abubaker Kiweewa, shot dead on 12 June 12 in Kyanja in the outskirts of Kampala. Sheikh Abdul Khadir Muwaya, shot to death at his home in Mayuge District on Christmas Day 2014. Sheikh Mustafa Bahiga, shot dead at Bwebajja on Entebbe Road on 30 March 15. Sheikh Abdulrashid Wafula the Iman of Bilal Mosque in Mbale, gunned down on 21 May 15 in the town.
This is not even a full list of the unfortunate clerics that have lost their lives to assassins not a single one of whom has been apprehended. In each and every case the police and other security organs of Uganda vow to investigate, and bring the killers to book. In none of them have they produced so much as a single credible suspect. That was the same with the killing of Maj. Gen. James Kazini in 2009. It was the same with the assassination of Joan Kagezi, a well-known Kampala City attorney in March 2015, and it was the same with that of the Uganda Police’s AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi who was shot dead together with his bodyguard and driver just outside his home in March 2017. One can be certain the recent killing of Member of Parliament Ibrahim Abiriga too will go unresolved. Child abductions for ritual murders. A spate of kidnappings during which the kidnapped are killed all the same even after relatives come up with the ransom monies extorted. Political assassinations. Infighting within the security forces. The chaotic goings on, like the arrest of former police chief Kale Kayihura. Those that know Museveni best will tell you things like these were the inevitable outcome of his style of leadership.
Respected commentators, like Ugandan journalist Charles Onyango Obbo, have long painted a portrait of Museveni as a manipulative, deceptive, utterly unscrupulous president who will say, or do absolutely anything to entrench himself at the cost of everything else. Those that have served Museveni since his days as leader of the NRA guerrillas, like Kiiza Besigye, or John Kazoora in his book Betrayed by my Leader describe him as “corrupt to the core”, and as someone that will tell just about any lie and set people against each other, sowing mistrust at every turn. Daniel Kalinaki in Kiiza Besigye and Uganda’s Unfinished Revolution extensively interviewed former bush fighters under Museveni and they talked of a situation earliest in the NRA’s struggle when Museveni’s divisive tendencies, favoring individuals over others caused much mistrust and discontent in the ranks of his guerrillas.
Beyond Uganda’s borders Burundians, amongst those that have fallen victim to the machinations of President Nkurunziza, have come to know Mr. Museveni as someone that will do anything to enable him (Nkurunziza). Even when the African Union, and the EAC were relying on Mr. Museveni to broker a deal to save the Arusha Agreement that protected all Burundians through power sharing provisions, Museveni instead looked the other way as Nkurunziza savaged the agreement. The Ugandan leader did not raise a finger as Nkurunziza unleashed his murderous police and Imbonerakure militias on the civilian population.
“I do not know what misfortune led to Museveni being picked for Mediator in our problems!” exclaimed a Burundian lawyer living in exile in Kampala. Others say President Museveni’s stance with Nkurunziza is a very good example of Museveni’s duplicitous character. The Burundians are only finding out what most people that have dealt with President Museveni long ago discovered. Now for some reasons Museveni’s security organs have trained a fierce and baseless propaganda campaign against Rwanda, conducted on different social media and blogs where they publish things that they never back with any proof.
A Ugandan journalist that regularly writes about the state of insecurity in Uganda told this writer, “We hear all these allegations for instance that Rwanda has ‘infiltrated Ugandan security services’, but up to now no one in Uganda has produced a single proof to back that allegation. “We have heard all the stories about how Rwanda has ‘compromised’ Ugandan security but as for actual evidence, Museveni’s operatives have not shown us anything.” A Ugandan retired civil servant; a long-time resident of Kampala that lived through all the upheavals from independence says with Museveni, Uganda again is suffering the curse of bad leadership. “People are not deceived by all this talk that Rwanda is behind our insecurity,” said the old man. “It is the curse we have suffered from the beginning. “Now if you talk of all these Ugandans losing their lives senselessly, kidnapped for money, all the women that were being murdered in Entebbe recently, how can you say a foreign country is involved in all that! It is just Museveni’s people justifying their failure to do their responsibility to maintain safety and security for Ugandans.” It is obvious that as insecurity grows and gets out of hand, blaming Rwanda is increasingly the only fallback position Uganda’s intelligence and their boss can find. Ugandan operatives trolls on social media will be busy disseminating fake news on all social media.
But in all seriousness, said a Ugandan analyst who requested anonymity, “If the spy operatives and their bosses can somehow deceive some people that Rwanda is responsible for one or two things, how will they also blame Rwanda for lack of safety so that even little children are not safe but quite a few end up dead in primitive child sacrifices? “How can you blame another country for the kidnaps for ransom? Or the potholes and rubbish in the streets; the sewage that overflows in many places during rainy season, and all such failures due to Museveni’s poor leadership?”
On Wednesday, President Yoweri Museveni went to Parliament to deliver a speech on “defeating challenges of insecurity” in Uganda following a spate of unresolved murders and a general state of insecurity in the country, especially in Kampala recently.
Once at the podium, Museveni turned to a favourite topic of his that those who know him well say is characteristic of him whenever he is under intense panic: the ancient history of the great lakes interlacustrine region.
This topic tends to restore some confidence and a psychological shot in the arm that gives off the impression that he is a man in charge, especially when the pressure he is facing in areas that tend to be his soft under belly.
In this case, Museveni had come to parliament to speak about peace and identity. Speaking about peace seems reasonable given the topic he had come to address parliament about; however, it is when he began to raise questions about his own identity that the Members of Parliament, and even those watching on their television sets at home, wondered what exactly had rattled Museveni.
“I’m not an immigrant from anywhere”:
Museveni spoke for over two hours. Almost an hour of that time was spent lecturing the MPs about the people of the great lakes region in a tone that was rather patronizing. “What you call history I call current affairs. I know because I was there,” he told the MPs, before bragging that he was “unearthing history” for them because “you know about everybody else except yourself.”
If you know Museveni, then the self-indulging isn’t new. However, what was most perplexing was how he kept repeating that he was not “an immigrant from nowhere.” It is as if Museveni had been summoned by Parliament to bring his birth certificate.
And so, to “prove” that he was not a foreigner he turned to “Museveni’s own facts.” He seemed to locate his “heritage” to Mutara, a place he claimed “was part of Mpororo, Nkore, before colonialism.”
Of course, anyone with some knowledge of history immediately sensed that Museveni had unwittingly committed an own goal.
For sure, the confrontation between “Museveni’s Own facts” and the real facts was about to produce the opposite of whatever he had intended to achieve by invoking this story of a time past.
For those who don’t know, Mutara has never been part of Uganda. Not before colonialism (Uganda had yet to come into existence). And certainly not after the formation of Uganda by colonialists.
Rwanda did exist prior to colonial rule. Indeed, no part of contemporary Rwanda has ever been part of any neighbouring country; on the contrary, during colonialism Rwanda lost territories to present day Uganda (parts of Kigezi, Ntungamo, Igara rya Ruhinda that was later named Nkore) and in North and South Kivu in the DRC.
The place that Museveni is referring to was – and still is – Mutara. However, prior to colonial rule, Mutara was referred to as “Umutara w’Indorwa” meaning that it was part of the area that was known as Ndorwa, in Rwanda. In fact, Mutara still exists today. Again, in Rwanda.
Unlike Museveni’s “own facts”, Mpororo was, and remained, part of Rwanda decades after the Berlin Conference and for much of this period the Bahororo (who are of Banyarwanda extraction – the clans of Abagina, Abashambo, Abagahe, etc – have their relatives in Mutara, Rwanda) were identified as Banyarwada, hence the proverb among their Nkore neighbours that goes something like, “ko ocumita Omuhororo oyita omunyarwanda” which loosely translates into “if you kill a Muhororo, you will be in conflict with a Munyarwanda.”
If Museveni says that he is from Mutara and Mutara has never been part of Uganda, then this might explain why the gentleman protests too much about his identity.
At any rate, Museveni didn’t need to invent facts that shift the territory of Mutara to Uganda to qualify as a Ugandan. After this Banyarwanda “heritage” is recognized under the 1995 constitution as citizens of Uganda. Moreover, his continued distortion of facts and history will only serve to invite the real facts from those who believe the truth matters and that it will set him free from what is clearly an identity crisis.
In other words, it’s high time that the two ‘contending lines of thinking’ between Museveni’s own facts and the real facts will have to ‘resolve itself.’
No longer at peace:
The other subject that Museveni belabours in his speech is on peace. Museveni is known to talk down Ugandans that until he came to the scene they had never had a taste of peace. He never misses an opportunity to remind them that since he took power they are able to have a good night sleep.
Here, at Parliament, was a man whose claim to fame was that he brought sleep having to deal with the reality before him that the purpose of his visit there (at Parliament) was to acknowledge to the same people of Uganda that he had run out of peace.
Like the story where Museveni was convincing himself that he was not an immigrant from anywhere, here he was convincing himself that Uganda was at peace and secure “from corner to corner.”
Yet another gem of his “own facts” that are in contrast with reality. Again, in his own universe with its own unique facts.
Indeed, anyone following the speech must have come to the conclusion that what psychologists call cognitive dissonance was no longer adequate a description of what was unravelling.
Even as Museveni turned to his own facts in the frantic declaration “I am standing here authoritatively,” it was visibly clear to all that the life president was in dire need of a life jacket. In the same bible that Museveni quoted at Parliament says, “Let those with ears hear” and for Museveni the voices he keeps hearing in his head that are prompting concerns about his own identity are a Swan Song along the tune, “We wawo omusajja yatuletela emilembe. Naye kati jiliwa?
There are few worse things than being falsely accused. I remember listening to a lady on the radio describe that she cannot read any book where anyone is being falsely accused of a crime. It upsets her too much. The fact that Gen. Kale Kayihura is being accused of the murder of the late AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi is the perfect example of a man being crucified. What happened to all the people at Kaweesi’s eulogy who thanked Kayihura for spotting and nurturing Kaweesi’s talent to rise up the ranks as he did? Why can’t you, and all of Uganda who watched Kayihura trust and rely on Kaweesi more than anyone use any rationale and come forward to stop this clear witch hunt? What happened to the speeches at the vigil in Kaweesi’s home where all of you thanked Kayihura for promoting and seeing the potential in Kaweesi? For being more than a boss and a mentor? For being his friend and an inspiration?
There were rumors of a new appointment for Kayihura in July, and following his meeting with the President in May, the forces against him decided to act quickly using fabricated evidence before he was back in Government. They could not pin anything against a man who has been incorruptible. There were no deals, no wealth, no assets – nothing to pin him down. So these forces resorted to lies.
I was stunned to find out that Kayihura is, in fact, not wealthy at all – especially compared to all senior Government officials. Even compared to many Government officials below him. Ask any international partners with the Police, some who even nicknamed him Inspector General of the People, realizing he was different from the rest. He was never after any amassing of wealth, and thus was a threat. His incorruptibility and integrity made him the biggest threat to anyone who needed to make the President more vulnerable.
But what control do you have when all your support is in the poor masses? And all that has sustained Kayihura in the past, and now, is good will from those who know him, and understand that the witch hunt has used a successful campaign of character assassination for the past few years.
Even as IGP, Kayihura suffered in the last few years working with security agencies. ISO, CMI and CID are filled with his enemies, and now that he’s gone – they’ve side-lined the people who chose work over politics. I wonder if this hatred is based on tribalism – do people hate Bafumbira because of their cultural connection to Banyarwanda? I believe it’s more than that in the case of Kale Kayihura – I believe they feared that they have nothing against him; and over the years decided to falsify things about him to damage his reputation and public image. So that when these charges came, people would not dismiss them so easily.
I once asked someone who interacted with the General why he doesn’t fight back against the media. He said that Kayihura doesn’t have the desire or money to pay them to counter the stories with the truth. He also said Kayihura believes in the inherent good of people, and that all lies blow over. He believed that by working consistently – they would eventually leave him alone.
But Kayihura was wrong in believing in the good in people. He should have believed in the desperation in people. Anyone can see that his entire image of working to build a powerful and strong Police force, that has never had more Police officers, more infrastructure, and more equipment has been completely tarnished and ignored over this need to focus on his individual. Which is wrongfully portrayed.
So far, the forces against him have succeeded but in many ways, they haven’t since Kayihura made himself available to the masses who know him. They know who he is, and anyone that meets this man knows for certain that the last thing he could ever be is a criminal of any sort.
The fact that Kayihura can’t be bought also led to enemies on the other side of the border in Rwanda. He consistently refused to be compromised or coerced to hasten any lawful procedures. Even the handover of a prominent Rwandan refugee to the Rwandan Government some 4 years ago occurred when Kayihura was out of the country. The officer in charge was promptly dismissed, only to be brought back quite recently, after taking responsibility and with permission from the President. He was a good officer who the Police couldn’t afford to lose.
Kayihura was not loyal to NRM, he is loyal to the President, and that vision that drove him to leave a lectureship persuaded by his Professors at the London School of Economics after he finished his LLM. He in fact pleaded with a friend at the time to help him pick up a gun and join the NRA in 1983.
Kayihura was not desperate. He did not need to fight because he had no options – he wanted to. It was pure conviction. And as such, he was never desperate for a job. When one is full of idealism as he – it is hard to think that enemies abound and are constantly plotting. He believed in truth, and that idealism has hurt him greatly. Especially now.
Not only are they discrediting him in the eyes of the public (lies of exorbitant amounts of wealth – when he does not own any home in Kampala, or any finished home anywhere), but also in the eyes his contemporaries (being stopped at the airport, being sick). Kayihura unfortunately believed that all this would go away. He especially believed so after his removal, and had just gotten into the groove of being a farmer and serving his community in Kashagama, Lyantonde. He insisted on using his own funds to get the cleanest underground water through a tap for all in the community to make use of, not just himself.
How can someone so generous and so of the people be made out to be a killer? This really baffles me – that Ugandans could persecute a genuine and possibly the best public servant. Yet they consistently complain that there are none to be found.
Out of respect for the President and the Government, Kayihura chose not to go to Kisoro after his removal. Kisoro was angry with the President, and he did not want to go home knowing how it might look if his people might gather at his home. The people of Kisoro know what it is like to be maligned as Bafumbira. They are a small district, seen as unimpressive and even unknown to many Ugandans, but they inhabit this country like any other citizen. Even Kayihura himself, a whole General and Senior official was despised by his fellow Westerners who are said to have insulted his identity on numerous occasions. Including the security agencies he worked with. Even in the same region, people harbour ethnic hatred and misguided superiority over another.
Uganda has reached a new low. The media has reached a new low. I know the economy is bad and everyone needs a pay out, every one has bills to pay. But I implore you journalists who have been paid to write malicious and untrue things over the last three years: you are the ones who made Kayihura become this falsified larger-than-life figure he never wanted a part of. Come forward. Tell the truth. Do not leave your conscience tainted by the crucifixion of an innocent man – one whose unjust demonization you have greatly contributed to.
The witch hunt began in 2015, and seems to have gathered steam from everyone who feels wronged by him. Director CID Grace Akullo even once said he wanted to kill her – she was hostile and insubordinate towards him during his entire tenure. He left it at that, knowing when to pick his battles. She refused to participate and cooperated grudgingly. Wherever her information came from, it worked for the forces against Kayihura who seem to have since recruited her.
One wonders why DG ISO Kaka Bagyenda is even a part of this team against Kayihura, when Kayihura was allegedly asked to help when Kaka’s son last year was faced with killing his girlfriend. Kayihura obliged of course, feeling comraderie in such a tragic time for Bagyenda.
CMI, whose leads the entire 2017 consisted of strong evidence against ADF for killing Kaweesi, including traced calls. How could they suddenly change their tune? In the middle of prosecution? CMI’s key people, like a certain Tumukunde before and a certain Abel Kandiho now have peddled untrue reports to the President and the media about Kayihura. Including some about Presidential ambitions.
Whatever these people have against Kayihura now, to pin him on Kaweesi’s death is no evidence. Maybe they decided to pursue this case to create media furore and frenzy; and damage the man’s name for their own personal and misguided grudges, beliefs, and deep-rooted hatred for Bafumbira and Ugandan Banyarwanda, whose only home is Uganda.
I want to end with this: how does anyone come out of this with the same idealism for Uganda? When instead of persecuting clearly corrupt and reprehensible individuals – Uganda harbours and saves them.
Uganda has killed the spirit of a person who loved the country more than himself, and sacrificed his life, his family, and now his name for it. I have washed my hands of this crucifixion publically with this writing. I hope you find the courage to do so as well, in whatever way you can.
Bring peace to the Kaweesi family. Stop sitting on the clear evidence of ADF’s direct involvement in this, and leave Kayihura and all the officers who served him alone. It is a disgrace to keep bringing up their trauma for your own trumped up and malicious agendas. To use Kaweesi’s death in this manner – and persecute a man he so admired and loved – is the crime here. That is the only crime here.
Source: The Standard Digital
Several reports in broadcast and print media have said former Uganda Police Chief, Gen. Kale Kayihura at first was a good officer and a gentleman. The reports claim Kayihura’s problems only began when Museveni brought him close, promoted him and made him inspector general of police. The moment that happened, say Kampala analysts, the stage was set for the general’s eventual downfall.
Museveni would use him in all his plots, evil or otherwise, and that would attract the jealousy of some Ugandans of the powerful Bahima ethnicity. Kale Kayihura therefore could have fallen afoul of President Museveni for reasons that have nothing to do with allegations against him of “planning to cause insecurity.”
There is an intense succession struggle behind the scenes, with prominent members of Museveni’s Bahima that are determined to keep power within themselves “for eternity”. Someone like Kayihura who is “an outsider”, a member of the Bafumbira people of the Kisoro region was in trouble from the word go.
It is an open secret in Uganda that senior Bahima have been undermining other people and Kayihura only is the latest high-profile victim. If Kayihura was trying to do a good job, someone like his former boss, Minister for Security Henry Tumukunde, a senior Muhima, was not going to allow it. It got to the extent that the wrangles were spilling out in public.
“The head of Police, and the Minister for Security General Henry Tumukunde are busy fighting, to show who has more power and control,” said MP Winnie Kiiza, the leader of the opposition in Uganda’s parliament. The Kasese woman Member of Parliament was commenting on the spate of security incidents cropping up all over Uganda as a result of Kayihura not being left alone to do his appointed duties.
As Museveni grows weaker and loses control “the big beasts are circling in,” commented a Ugandan analyst. “And none of the beasts are bigger than the Bahima, they are in charge of the jungle!” added the astute analyst.
According to George Orwell in Animal Farm, some animals in the famous fable took to saying they were “more equal” than others. It had begun with the animals liberating themselves from oppressive humans. But as time went on, the poor animals realized the oppressor was the pigs, and the pigs no longer saw themselves as equal to the other creatures.
Nothing can be more analogous about the Ugandan situation today than that fable.
Mr. Museveni no doubt has created that tribal situation whereby his ethnicity has developed a sense of entitlement that power, and there control of national resources is theirs, with all the country’s other peoples battling for crumbs.
While commenting on the chaotic security situation in Kampala on Thursday Gen. Yoweri Museveni said that the insecurity in the country is caused by pigs. “Pigs don’t appreciate value, you’d rather give it to the worms. But we’ve dealt with pigs before and these ones are very small. By the end of the day, all those involved will be exposed and crushed, we shall crush them,” Museveni said. When Museveni is not blaming pigs, his lieutenants in the security and intelligence organs place blame on Rwanda. In both cases, the aim is to conceal the internal weaknesses that have been piling up mostly due to the fact that Ugandans are fed up of the present leadership and tried to demonstrate it during the constitutional amendment consultations to remove the age limit for the president.
At some point this exercise was stopped because it was clear to all that Ugandans wanted to bring an end to the problems of governance that they face and the insecurity that comes from it.
Eventually the amendment was shovelled down the throats of Ugandans and Museveni stayed in power against the wish. Secondly, the internal weaknesses have over the years been accelerated by what is now the cancer of corruption that Ugandans have given up any hope that it can be solved as long as Museveni is president. Third, and significantly, the security forces have been operating from an environment without political legitimacy and supporting a president who has been rejected by the vast majority of Ugandans. Fourth, Museveni has actively nurtured the confusion in the security organs. When General Kale Kayihura was arrested the Daily Monitor asked prominent people in Ugandan society for comment. Almost all of them placed the blame squarely where it should be: on Museveni’s head.
However, what Semujju Ibrahim Nganda said was fascinating, “There is in-fighting in the armed forces; each one is accusing the other and it is playing into the vulnerability of the President. We had a time when it was Gen Salim Saleh fighting Gen Tumiwne, Gen Tinyefuza fighting Gen Kazini, Ahmed Kashilingi, Kyaligonza. That time, the President was strong, but today he is not as strong as he was when he used to be the arbiter, which he cannot do anymore. That is why in Zimbabwe, when the generals saw that President Robert Mugabe was failing to control, they had to take over to ensure stability of the country. Gen Kayihura was celebrating when Gen Tinyefuza was arrested; and don’t be surprised when those who have arrested him today are also arrested in future.” In other words, Musevenip has always sowed chaos and rivalry in the security organs and considers the chaos as a weapon he uses to pit officers against one another. Once the competition and negative solidarity he has helped to create goes astray he calls the losing side all kinds of names including the derogatory term of “pigs.” In all of it, he fails to take responsibility that he has reared the pigs.
Also worth pointing out is that the “winning side” gets to find a scapegoat for the troubles that Museveni has helped to create. Most of the time the scapegoat is Rwanda. For as long as the internal weaknesses have been piling up in Uganda the excuse has been that they are of the doing of the Rwandan leadership. This excuse has helped Museveni to conceal his failures and to mistreat his own officers after he has used and dumped them. Extremely talented young officers like Brigadier Noble Mayombo and most recently Andrew Kaweesi have lost their lives and a promising future at the service of their country robbed through Museveni’s games. Like Hon. Semujju says, this time Museveni’s regime is so weak that he is unable to control how far the consequences of his little hobby can go. As a result, ordinary Ugandans are now facing an insecurity that is all at the doing of one man who is always blaming everyone else but himself and the responsibility he bears for raising the pigs that he is now so eager to denounce when he is the real pig.
Source: The Standard Digital Media
It is impossible to understand why Ugandan authorities have persistently blamed Rwanda for their internal problems. For decades Uganda has tried to bully Rwanda and try to make it subservient. However, it beats the mind why it insists on this course of action that has no direct benefits for the country.
Rwanda’s refusal to accept Uganda’s subservience exposed it to all kinds of destabilization efforts that most recently include providing logistical support to Rwanda National Congress terrorist organization that is headed by the renegade General Kayumba Nyamwasa, which has openly declared war against Rwanda.
In addition to supporting groups that seek to destabilize Rwanda, the pattern over the years has been for Uganda’s intelligence organs to peddle lies that paint the leadership of Rwanda in negative light using websites, blogs, and bogus social media accounts that have been especially created for this purpose.
In those publications Rwanda is portrayed as a bad neighbor when in fact it is Uganda that keeps this provocation and hostile behavior towards it’s neighbor.
On it’s part Rwanda has refused to be dragged into the internal affairs of Uganda even if it’s being used as a scapegoat, including when innocent Rwandan nationals have been arrested and tortured on flimsy accusations of being spies.
Rwanda refuses to be dragged into Uganda’s internal affairs because it doesn’t see any benefits from such a move and wishes that soon Uganda’s leadership will realize that positive relations serve the best interests of the two countries whose citizens share deep historical ties.
Read: OPINION: ABIRIGA WAS KILLED TO COVER UP FOR KAWEESI’S KILLERS
Analysts who have tried to understand the behavior of Uganda’s leadership towards Rwanda say that it is motivated by jealousy and that they would be fine if Rwanda was making progress through subservience to Uganda.
Indeed, the experts say that by rejecting to be subservient to Uganda and combining it with tremendous socioeconomic success, “this eats the leadership of Uganda to the core and Museveni simply can’t accept this reality.”
Kampala is in a state of anxiety with panic spreading all over the city following the recent assassination of Member of Parliament Ibrahim Abiriga.
A crackdown against opposition figures, senior security officials, and members of civil society is in full gear all due to self-inflicted causes.
This round of panic began when the Special Forces Command (SFC) tried to manufacture a diversion from information that was circulating in Kampala that the SFC had assassinated AIGP Andrew Kaweesi, which it tried to solve by assassinating another high profile personality, MP Ibrahim Abiriga.
When the people of West Nile rose to demand answers for the true killers of their son and held demonstrations against Museveni, they hatched up another diversion, to arrest former IGP Kale Kayihura.
Gen. Kayihura’s arrest has worked to silence the people of West Nile. In fact, not a single newspaper in Uganda is carrying their demands to have Museveni explain who had killed their son.
Now, Museveni has been saved from the trouble of having to explain the assassinations of Kaweesi and Abiriga.
Hajj Abdul Naduli has denounced these tactics whose main cause is the “fights between Museveni Generals.”
Hajj Naduli represents the views of most Ugandans who are fed up with the diversions. Most Ugandans are tired of the scapegoating that tries to place blame for the failures elsewhere and are now openly calling for Museveni to just go.
At the height of age-limit debate Gen. Museveni and his intelligence organs would try to defuse tensions from the people’s frustration with the regime by claiming that their security forces, particularly the police, had been infiltrated and that it was being used to destabilize Uganda.
A scapegoat was found for an internal problem of political transition and debate.
The intelligence organs even went as far as partnering with the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) to arrest and torture innocent Rwandans visiting Uganda who they accused of being spies. Some of these innocent Rwandans remain in detention today.
Even the present panic in Kampala that forced the security forces to an impromptu meeting is self-inflicted. It came from a simple demand from the people of West Nile towards Museveni: they want to know who killed their son.
No one is willing to tell them the truth. That their son (and Kazini, Mayombo, Aronda, and Kaweesi) was killed in a little game Museveni likes to play every once in a while in order to keep power.
umugabo wakunze inkumi muri rusange aba afite uburyo bubiri bwihariye yitwara, usibye gusa kuba ari mubuzima busanzwe aba atekerezako yatse urukundo kandi yarwemerewe rero aritwararika cyane kugirango atagira icyo akora ntikinezeze umukunzi we bityo akaba akomye rutenderi, akora kandi ukwashoboye kugirango agaragare neza imbere y'umukunzi we.
1. Agushyira muri gahunda ze z'ejo hazaza.
Uyu muhungu ahora yihatira gukora ibikorwa bibafitiye mwembi ejo hazaza akamaro. Niyo ntacyo murageraho, wumva mu nzozi ze harimo kuzabana na we ubuzima bwe bwose.
2. Kumva ibinezaneza igihe muri kumwe cg agutekereje
Umuhungu ugukunda niyo yaba ababaye, iyo akubonye kubera ko uba uri umuntu w'agaciro imbere ye no mu buzima bwe, aba yumva agiye kugutura agahinda ke akaruhuka kuko aba yizeye ko umutwaro afite ugiye kuwumwakira. Ni kimwe n'iyo yishimye, ahora yumva ashaka kugusangiza ibyishimo bye bya buri munsi ndetse bya buri mwanya.
3. Kugucira bugufi yagukorera ikosa akagira ishyaka ryo kugusaba imbabazi
uyu musore ababazwa no gukorera ikosa iryo ariryo ryose umukunzi we, bigatuma agira ishyaka ryo kugusaba imbabazi vuba kandi aciye bugufi, n'igihe ari wowe kandi wamukoshereje, iyo umusabye imbabazi ubikuye ku mutima arakumva akaziguha kandi akakugira n'inama ku buryo wazajya wirinda amakosa.
4. Kuguha impano
akuzirikana muri byose ndetse akanezezwa no kuguha impano zisanzwe zidahanitse kandi n'igihe runaka kitateguwe, nta mpamvu aziguhereye, nta kintu kidasanzwe wabaye. Izi mpano si izihanitse kuko akantu kose uhawe n'uwo ukunda kandi nawe agukunda wumva ari impano.
5. Gukunda kukwitegereza.
Umuhungu ugukunda uzasanga akunda kukureba, aguhozaho ijisho, akantu kose ukoze niyo waba uzi ko atakubonye uzisanga yakubonye kare kandi neza, niho nusitara gahoro cyane uzumva yakubwiye ngo komera, niwitsamura cyangwa ukajya kwitsamura bikanga azahita akubwira ngo urakire, nimuvugana utishimye utari wabimubwira uzumva ahise akubaza ngo wabaye iki cyangwa ngo uravuga nk'utameze neza.
akwisanzuraho kugeza ubwo akubwira amateka y'ubuzima bwe atandukanye ndetse akihatira kukubaza amateka yawe yose, uzasanga ashaka kumenyana n'abo mu muryango wawe, amateka yawe ya kera. Ibyo uzamubwira waciyemo bibabaje uzajya wumva bimubabaje n'ubwo byashize azajya akwihanganisha kandi ubyumve ko abikuye ku mutima koko.
7. Kukwemera uko uri kose
.Umuhungu wagukunze akagera n'igihe agusaba urukundo ni uko uba waramunyuze mu by'ukuri. Igihe rero muzamarana igihe kirekire mukundana agakomeza kukubwira ko umunyura, akwishimira kandi agakomeza kukubaha nk'uko byatangiye. Abakundana bemerana ingeso buri umwe afite iyo ntacyo zibangamiraho urukundo rwabo, ariko nabwo abakundana barafashanya mu buryo butandukanye harimo gutozanya imico myiza no kwigishanya kureka utugeso tumwe na tumwe tubangamira ubuzima bwa buri munsi bakatureka.
8. Kukugirira ishema.
Umuhungu ugukunda aterwa ishema na we, niho uzabona igihe mugendana agufata akaboko, ari nk'umurinzi wawe. Iki ni kimwe mu bimenyetso by'ingenzi bikoreshwa igihe abakundana bari kugendana. Iyo umuhungu agukunda aba yumva yanabyereka buri wese ko mukundana, aba yumva nta banga ririmo ko mukundana kuburyo abayumva n isi yose yabimenya.
9. yirinda kukubwira amagambo y ibitangaza
hari abahungu bafite akarimi karyoshya ryoshya,Ntibyoroha kwirengagiza amagambo aryoheye amatwi ariko ayo magambo akenshi aba yuzuye uburyarya kuko uyabwirwa aba yumva yuzuye ibitangaza byakataraboneka, umukobwa utareba kure yumva abonye ibyo yarakeneye. naho umukobwa ureba kure aba yamuvumbuye kera akenshi ntiyirirwa anayatega amatwi abameze nkababandi bambwira vuba wigendere. Hari abahungu benshi bigarurira abakobwa bakoresheje utugambo turyoshye kandi mu mitima yabo bafite izindi nyungu bagendereye bashaka kugeraho zitandukaye n'urukundo rw'ukuri. Uyu we rero arabyirinda kuko nawe azineza ko bene abo bateye gutyo babaho kandi atariko ameze.
Inama : Murukali.com turagufasha kwita k'umukunzi wawe, nk'igihe uguze impano runaka tukayimukugerezaho. urg: Indabo n' ikarita y'urukundo.
Tubafitiye kandi iduka ririmo impano zitandukanye waha umukunzi wawe. riherereye munyubako ya DownTown L4-29
The recent assassination of Member of Parliament Ibrahim Abiriga did not only instill fear but also worsened an already fragile security situation in Kampala. His death comes at the heels of a spate of killings involving rampage kidnapping, rape and systematic murder of innocent girls.
Indeed, many observers believe that the killers exploited this security situation to mount a targeted assassination whose real intention was to divert the public from information that was circulating that the Special Forces Command (SFC) was responsible for the death of AIGP Andrew Kaweesi.
CLOCKWISE: Late General Aronda Nyakairima, AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi, Brigadier General Nobel Mayomboand Col (Rtd) MP Ibrahim Abiriga.
Now fear has engulfed Kampala. General Museveni tried to calm down the panic that most people, especially those in Arua, believe is of his own creation, which elicited anger that engulfed the entire town through demonstrations that targeted everything in the colour yellow.
This prompted heavy deployment of armed military personnel to counter the anger that Museveni was likely to be greeted with at Abiriga’s burial. Without such heavy deployment Museveni was not going to go anywhere near Arua. The people had been loud and clear that they were tired of his manipulation that often ends with the killing of innocent people he used and disposes of in the cruelest manner.
Gen Museveni during Col (Rtd) Abiriga’s buria in Arua.
During his eulogy for his most loyal MP, Gen. Museveni tried to blame the opposition, accusing them of using foul tactics that include assassinations.
Museveni said that Abiriga had been targeted because he was effective in the campaign to remove the presidential term limits, the hinted that he would also retaliate in equal measure – by cracking down against the opposition.
And now from the look of things, Gen. Museveni is making good use of his promise. Uganda’s Capital FM reported this morning that the arrest of opposition politician Betty Namboze might take place any time from now. Chimpreports also reported that the UPDF was hunting down another opposition MP, Kaps Fungaroo.
Gen Museveni pays his last respect to the late AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi.
Clearly such threats are meant to cow the opposition from speaking about Abiriga’s assassination. Similarly, Museveni threatened Ugandans on social media and threatened to come after them.
Moreover, the way Museveni is trying to silence everyone from speaking about Abiriga’s killing is eerily similar to how he handled Kaweesi’s murder. A crackdown on the opposition – including assassinating them – and shutting down social media are likely to be as effective in silencing those who want to know the killers of Abiriga as it was in silencing those who tried to reveal who murdered Anderew Kaweesi.
The veteran journalist Timothy Kalyegira immediately commented on twitter that, “Just as Abiriga seemed to be acting the clown as a cover-up, Museveni’s lashing out at the ‘idiots’ and ‘fools’ who killed Abiriga sounds like a man not telling us the whole story. Something, in other words, doesn’t add up.”
Gen Museveni pays his last respect to the late Gen Aronda Nyakairima. (Photo: Daily Monitor)
After Museveni threatened the opposition with murder his top security officials gathered at Serena Hotel to lay a strategy to implement the wishes of their boss. It doesn’t require a high IQ to see that tough times are ahead for the opposition, with Nambooze and Fungaroo being the first targets with more to follow.
General Museveni thinks that he is at war, “Nobody will start a war with NRM and win. You will lose… If there’s war you fight,” he said in his eulogy at Abiriga’s funeral.
Gen Museveni pays his last respect to the late Gen Garanga.
And during war, people die:
1. James Waphakabulo
2. Francis Ayume
3. Gen. James Kazini
4. Brig. Noble Mayombo
5. John Garang
6. Gen. Aronda Nyakairima
7. AIGP Andrew Kaweesi
8. Col. Ibrahim Abiriga
9. Col. Muzoora
10. Maj Muhamed Kigundu
11. Joan Kagezi
And the list goes on ——-
Ugandan Member of Parliament, Ibrahim Abiriga, was assassinated on Friday evening in a gruesome manner that has the hallmarks of AIGP Andrew Felix Kaweesi. The lawmaker’s assassination came at a time when information about who the killers of Kaweesi are becoming an open secret amongst the public in Kampala.
This website has been reporting updates on this story including the revelation by different crime investigation experts who unanimously say that the Special Force Command (SFC) assassinated Kaweesi. Immediately after the publication, President Museveni blamed Kaweesi’s murder on the ADF rebels.
The question is, why kill Abiriga and why now? President Museveni called the murderers idiots and ordered security agencies to find the killers who he said are part of “urban criminality.” Astonishingly, even before investigations he has ordered begin Gen Museveni seems to already know who the killers are! Gen Museveni’s characteristic of assassinations as due to urban criminality is suggestive that he knows who the killers are and that the investigation into the murder of Abiriga is likely to end in a similar way as that of Kaweesi.
In both cases the killers are known. They are security agencies, the same organs that Gen Museveni is pleading with to conduct the investigation. What is clear is that the same precision that was used to eliminate Kaweesi was used to remove Abiriga. Back to the question, why would Gen Museveni kill his loyal servant, a man who was not a political threat to anyone? Abiriga’s flashy popularity made him the perfect target in efforts to conceal what had become an open secret. Someone popular enough to garner public attention and also someone perceived to be loyal to Gen Museveni in order to place the blame elsewhere. Enter the yellow man and his yellow Beetle.
Abiriga was the perfect diversion. Kill him in similar fashion as Kaweesi, mislead the public from closing on who killed Kaweesi, and do it in a way that suggests a motive of “senseless urban killings” that are carried out by “idiots.” Both Kaweesi and Abiriga were hyper loyal towards Gen Museveni. It seems President Museveni has his way of rewarding loyalty that goes all the way back to Brigadier Noble Mayombo and most recently General Aronda Nyakairima. Once the public starts to close in on Abiriga’s killers someone else among President Museveni’s most loyal servants will be gunned down to conceal that information from spilling into the public. And the cycle will continue. Only Gen Museveni is safe.
Source: The Standard Digital
On March 17 2017 Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIGP) Andrew Kaweesi was brutally assassinated alongside his driver Godfrey Wambewo and body guard Keneth Erau at Kulambiro, a Kampala suburb, after 27 bullets were fired in his body. It’s more than a year now since Kaweesi, a 43 year old promising and highly ambitious officer, succumbed to death.
There has been a lot of interest in the circumstances around his death; however, investigators are yet to identify the true killers. Some suspects were arrested days following his death but sources indicate that much of the initial arrests were meant to dupe the public that something was being done about Kaweesi’s murder. As a result, the only information that has been obtained thus far is at best circumstantial and not very helpful for prosecution purposes.
Similarly, initial information pointing to ADF rebels as being behind the killings also led to the arrests of some suspects. However, this line of investigations also yielded nothing. It turned out the ADF had nothing to do with Kaweesi’s murder and it appears the rebel group was invoked to mislead the public into thinking that the shooting were a result of terrorism.
Most importantly, the efforts that were placed in concealing the identity of the true killers, misleading the investigators and the public, including forcing innocent people to confess, have led criminal intelligence analysts to come to one conclusion: Kaweesi’s murder is the work of the state of Uganda.
Specifically, investigators have confirmed from the cartridges collected at the scene and pock marks left on the car that the weapons used to assassinate Kaweesi were the type of M4 guns which are a preserve of the specialised units such as the Special Forces Command (SFC).
Moreover, the description of events by sources who were present at the scene of the crime points to this kind of expertise as well as a level of calmness and confidence that was exhibited by the killers that serves to underscore that indeed this was a state-sanctioned mission. Indeed, the precision and efficiency employed in executing it suggests that these were experts at work.
It is also worth recalling that Kaweesi was murdered near his home, about 600 metres in a trading centre. These killers were unconcerned with the presence of people ready to identify them to the authorities. They understood very well that they were the authorities, especially since the killers were from the unit that is tasked with protecting the highest authority in the country and his regime.
The only time the investigations have pointed to the authorities as the killers, they have done so also in ways that mislead the public. Instead of corroborating the story of witnesses to the crime whose description depicts the killers to be the SFC, they have on numerous occasions come up with concocted scenarios that accuse the Uganda Police (UPF) of orchestrating Kaweesi’s murder, knowing very well that the UPF lacks the kinds of armed sophistication and weaponry that was described by witnesses.
Kaweesi was a well-liked officer even though he came to the limelight during Walk to Work when he is credited with the kind of loyalty that probably saved the regime from a concerted effort to remove him that had the entire Kampala city gripped in revolutionary spirit like the kind that was seen during the Arab Spring. Indeed, many believe that the leadership in Uganda owes Kaweesi big time for nipping in the bud the people’s coup.
What, therefore, has everyone including crime intelligence specialists puzzled is exactly why did the leadership in Uganda find it necessary to eliminate Kaweesi, a loyal, hardworking, highly educated, disciplined and hardworking officer, in such a gruesome and cold-blooded manner?
Almost all analysis seems to point to one conclusion, which is related to Kaweesi’s success rapid promotion through the ranks. He was a very capable and principled police officer whose personality rendered him to public fame across all sections of Ugandan society. Consequently, he was increasingly seen as a threat in the same way that the effectiveness of officers like General Aromda Nyakairima and Brigadier General Noble Mayombo made them targets for assassination.
Uganda’s intelligence organs have persistently continued to peddle lies against Rwanda despite efforts by the top leadership of both countries to normalize ties.
A series of propaganda stories by the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) seeking to portray Rwanda as a bad neighbor keen on wreaking havoc against Uganda were published in CMI-planted blogs.
One of the malicious pieces titled “Kayihura wanted to meet Rwanda’s DMI chiefs in Turkey” claims that Kigali has close ties with the former Chief of Uganda’s Police, Gen. Kale Kayihura to the extent of trying to hold meetings between him and Rwandan officials in foreign lands.
What such articles demonstrate is the continued internal wrangling within Uganda’s security apparatus. Trying to drag Rwanda in these wrangles must be treated with the contempt they deserve.
Even if it’s propaganda, there should be at least minimum effort to report stories that are believable. It seems as long as the target is Rwanda all these basics are tossed out of the window.
Almost all stores try to paint Kayihura as a stooge of the Rwandan government. Almost all of them emerged at the time it was revealed that CMI was actively collaborating with the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), a terror under the leadership of the fugitive Kayumba Nyamwasa.
It should be recalled that since last year Brig. Gen Kandiho of CMI and Security Minister Henry Tumukunde led an onslaught against Kigali by planting malicious stories in the media in order to hoodwink the public from activities that included recruiting rebels on behalf of the RNC, mainly in refugee camps that are hosting Rwandans inside Uganda.
It was revealed that the duo had been working closely with RNC mobilisers to harass, arrest, and torture innocent Rwandans visiting Uganda on private business.
Last year Kandiho and Tumukunde were embarrassed when a group of their recruits, 43 young men destined for rebel activities in DRC, were intercepted at the Kikagati border post in Uganda.
Most of the RNC mobilizers continue to enjoy the protection of CMI. Therefore it is not surprising that there’s a renewed wave of malicious propaganda targeting Rwanda and clearly undermining the progress that was being made to restore good relations between Uganda and Rwanda.
Observers agree that the renewed negative propaganda being peddled by CMI signals continuation of arrests and intimidation of innocent Rwandans living in Uganda