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Today — May 25th 2019VIRUNGA POST

Uganda attempts to distance itself from Rwandan terrorist in face of overwhelming evidence

By admin

By Jackson Mutabazi

In his first court appearance Nsabimana “Sankara” implicated Uganda, and the chief of Uganda’s military intelligence Kandiho (left) in plans to destabilize Rwanda.

In what is already being seen as a lame attempt by Kampala to disassociate itself from Rwandan terrorist mastermind Callixte Nsabimana “Sankara”, the New Vision newspaper has published an article saying Uganda “has dismissed claims by Nsabimana that his rebel group was collaborating with its military against a neighbour.”

The paper in its issue of today Saturday 25 May 2019 – which was already on the streets by Friday evening – quoted State Minister for Foreign Affairs Okello Oryem calling “rubbish” what Callixte Nsabimana confessed about his associations with Uganda and its military intelligence.

In his first court appearance in Kigali, Nsabimana confessed that his rebel group, FLN, carried out terror attacks and murder in Rwanda with support from the Ugandan military and Burundi’s intelligence services.

Oryem did not point out what it was that the rebel leader – recently apprehended in the Comoros on a Rwandan issued international arrest warrant and repatriated to Kigali – said that was not true. The New Vision wrote that it also contacted Brig. Richard Karemire the Uganda Army Spokesperson.

Karemire too had nothing to comment about Nsabimana’s confessions, which unequivocally implicate Uganda in activities to sow instability in Rwanda.

Terror suspect Nsabimana – who also has been doubling as FLN’s spokesperson – on Thursday appeared before the Gasabo Primary Court and pleaded guilty to each and every one of the 16 charges that Prosecution brought against him. He divulged details among other things of how Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence, CMI led by Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho, offered support to FLN.

In December last year FLN carried out attacks in Rwanda in which nine people lost their lives. Nsabimana “Sankara” was on Facebook claiming “armed victory” for his group. They also burnt to ashes a couple of vehicles belonging to civilians. When, in a rapid intervention, troops of the Rwanda Defense Force arrived the attackers had fled back to Burundian territory.

During Thursday’s court session Nsabimana said FLN was in constant touch with a Burundian intelligence officer he only identified as “Maj. Bertin”, alias “Moses”.

FLN – a group affiliated with armchair revolutionary Paul Rusesabagina, an individual lionized by a fictitious Hollywood film – also is part of the so-called P5 alliance. This includes Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC, as well as FDLR, the offshoot of the ex-FAR and Interahamwe – perpetrators of the 94 Genocide against the Tutsi.

All these have the full backing of the Museveni government in their plans to bring conflict and instability to Rwanda.

A UN Group of Experts on DRC report published on 31 December 2018 laid out in detail the recruitment, arming and training activities of RNC, and of the P5 Group from bases in parts of eastern DRC. It quoted several RNC and “P5” deserters that provided inside information implicating, among others the governments of Burundi and Uganda in the anti-Rwanda activities.

“By naming Uganda, CMI, and Burundi Callixte Nsabimana was only confirming what everyone that follows news already knows,” said a Kigali observer. “What he did was indict Uganda and CMI ‘from the horse’s own mouth’! Any denials of the Museveni regime will only look ridiculous,” added the analyst that requested anonymity.

The Rwandan terror mastermind disclosed that at one time the Burundian intelligence officer, “Bertin”, set up a meeting between him, as leader of FLN, and CMI chief Kandiho, but that “Kandiho sent a colonel saying he was ‘not available due to other commitments.’”

“Sankara” said: “In our meeting we asked for military support and backing in terms of diplomatic relations, and received a positive answer. By the time of my arrest last month we were planning to go back to Uganda to finalize the deal.”

In its story the New Vision claims that, “relations between Rwanda and Uganda soured after the former blocked trucks of cargo at Katuna, and barred its nationals from crossing into Uganda.” The Ugandan paper does not mention that Rwanda’s closure of it’s side of Gatuna is temporary, with the purpose to expedite works on the One Stop Border Post, and has nothing to do with “soured relations”.

Facts indicate that the bad relations between the two countries emanate from Uganda’s hosting of, support and facilitation of anti-Rwanda groups, as detailed in the UN report among others. RNC recruits in Uganda headed for the group’s training camps have been intercepted, and confessed CMI facilitated them with transportation and forged papers. President Museveni himself has been exposed after meeting with RNC officials like Charlotte Mukankusi and Eugene Gasana, after which he claimed, “he only met those people accidentally.”

Museveni’s hostility to Rwanda has extended to ordinary Rwandan civilians in Uganda. Media reports have detailed stories of many Rwandans that CMI, ISO and other Kampala intelligence agencies have illegally arrested – no arrest warrants, no charges read – and taken to unknown locations.

Rwanda’s diplomatic mission to Uganda has protested these acts of holding people, denying them consular visits – as stipulated by international law – torturing, and dumping them. But, according to sources, the Rwandan High Commission’s notes verbale to Ugandan authorities are never answered.

Rwandan victims of CMI have reported the inhuman abuse and torture they have been subjected to in the agency’s dungeons in Mbuya, and its other so-called safe houses. Some have ended up being crippled and moving in wheelchairs.

During all the torture and interrogation sessions CMI works with people that speak fluent Kinyarwanda, according to almost all the victims that have somehow managed to survive the CMI dungeons and gotten out alive.

Other victims of Ugandan security agents are those especially around border areas, that get pulled off buses, and the accused of “illegal entry”, upon which they are abducted and thrown into prison. Some will be there for periods as long as two years. Rwandan officials have said there are over a thousand such people languishing in prisons of the neighboring country.

Citing such treatment of its citizens in early March this year, authorities in Kigali decided to strongly advise Rwandans against crossing to Uganda. Foreign Minister Richard Sezibera in a series of tweets from his official account made clear the rights of Rwandans could not be guaranteed once across.

“Museveni and his government have declared enmity against Rwanda, and no one should attempt to distort the truth!” said a Rwandan private citizen.

There has never been a single reported reciprocal act of Rwanda’s similar to what the Museveni regime is doing. There has not been one report of anti-Uganda rebel sponsorship by Kigali; no facilitation of recruitment, or similar acts.

Ugandan traders openly resort to criminal smuggling following Museveni’s call

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Why is it so important to Museveni to be in bed with RNC, FDLR and other anti-Rwanda groups?

Desperate Ugandan traders and businesses are resorting to smuggling, yet, Rwandan authorities insist, legal ways of doing things are open.

“When Rwanda said it was closing the Gatuna border post to heavy trucks from the Ugandan side, it did not mean that all other borders were closed,” said a Rwandan official that preferred not to be named. “Only heavy trucks cannot enter via Gatuna until construction of the One Stop Border Post is completed; but all other borders are wide open for all traffic including trucks,” he added.

But Ugandan traders and businesses are now clandestinely attempting to exploit “panya” – informal border crossings. This, according to sources, is due to the reasoning that the other routes, “are too long.”

An article in The Daily Monitor newspaper of Yesterday, Thursday 23 May, highlights how far Ugandans are ready to break the law to smuggle goods into (and from) Rwanda, or to encourage Rwandans to resort to smuggling as well. “Traders resort to smuggling as Rwanda border remains closed,” said the headline, repeating the false claim that the border is “closed.”

The article adds: “Local residents and traders said smuggling is risky but highly rewarding. The smuggling traffic is both ways, with Ugandans clandestinely moving goods across porous borders in the night, while also encouraging Rwandans to smuggle beans, peas and some manufactured goods into Uganda.”

Over a week ago Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni issued what seemed open encouragement of crime with remarks that, “if the Rwandan border remains closed, then people will resort to smuggling.” According to the Rwandan official we talked to for this story, “It seems that Ugandan traders have taken encouragement from their leader’s suggestions that they resort to crime!

“But the Ugandan leadership should know that as countries, we have to deal with each other in lawful, recognized and mutually respectful ways, otherwise it will be anarchy!”

Uganda’s main pathway into Rwanda is Gatuna. Rwanda has made clear that in no way is its closure of Gatuna (to heavy trucks) related to the Museveni regime’s hostility to Rwanda, and Rwandan citizens. Nevertheless, according to sources on the ground, Ugandan businesses and traders have been hit very very hard.

There have been many media reports of Ugandan officials crying out, everywhere, accusing Rwanda of, “unilaterally closing the border”. Uganda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Sam Kutesa complained to foreign diplomats about that. Philemon Mateke, Ruhakana Rugunda, Kahinda Otafiire are amongst the other high-ranking officials claiming that Ugandan businesses are suffering because “Rwanda has closed the border”!

Listening to these people, you will realize that their only concerns are the profits!, commented a Kigali analyst. “It is as if the Rwandans that Museveni’s security agencies have been torturing, are still being tortured or those facing imprisonment with no court process are not human beings. How selfish!”

At the end of February, Rwandan authorities decided to issue a very strong advisory to the country’s nationals against travel to Uganda. That was when it became clear that Kampala was bent on a policy of illegally arresting or abducting Rwandans, holding them incommunicado, in torture dungeons of the notorious “safe houses” and physically abusing them for days.

Rwanda had repeatedly – and through diplomatic channels – protested the mistreatment of Rwandans by Museveni’s security agencies, according to many reports.

According to Foreign Affairs Minister Richard Sezibera, there is very little guarantee that once across the border, a Rwandan’s safety is assured. Over a thousand Rwandans are said to be illegally incarcerated in various Ugandan prisons. Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence, CMI, and Internal Security Organization, ISO, have been the main abusers of the rights of Rwandans.

But when you hear of Ugandan officials complaining that Rwanda has disrupted Ugandan trade, you ask yourself if they think that that is more important than human beings that are abducted and tortured almost to death, just because of who they are, commented the analyst.

Meanwhile, it seems, sober-minded economists like Ramathan Ggoobi, a lecturer at Kampala’s Makerere University have warned: “Rwanda is more important to the health of Uganda’s economy than China, India, Japan, the UK and USA! Rwanda bought goods and services from Uganda worth US$ 257 million, and earned only US$ 18 million.”

According to Ggoobi, and other economists, figures like this make it very clear that Uganda needs Rwanda far more than the other way round. Uganda, he wrote, exports to Rwanda mainly construction materials – earths and stone, plastering materials, lime and cement. She exports animal or vegetable fats and oils, prepared edible fats, animal products – meat, milk, cheese etc.

Ggoobi continued, “Uganda exports to Rwanda fast-moving goods and processed food, cereals, iron and steel and their products, as well as several manufactured products – plastic, sugar, beverages and spirits, paper, wood, chemicals et cetera. “It is clear that Rwanda’s basket of imports from Uganda constitutes the latter’s typical export commodities and products,” he remarked.

Security analysts have been asking themselves what is so important to the Museveni regime about being hostile to Rwanda that he is willing to ruin relations with as favorable trade partner and neighbor as Rwanda. A frequent question is why destabilizing Rwanda is so important for Museveni – who has been proven to be in bed with anti Rwanda elements like the FDLR and RNC – that he will risk everything.

The people of Katuna, in Uganda, are some of the people feeling the pinch the hardest. The Chairman of the Traders’ Association at Katuna Town Council, Mr. Franco Korinako said business in Katuna (Uganda side) had collapsed and many shops and hotels closed because of lack of customers, wrote The Daily Monitor.

Yesterday — May 24th 2019VIRUNGA POST

Ugandan traders openly resort to criminal smuggling following Museveni’s call

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Why is it so important to Museveni to be in bed with RNC, FDLR and other anti-Rwanda groups?

Desperate Ugandan traders and businesses are resorting to smuggling, yet, Rwandan authorities insist, legal ways of doing things are open.

“When Rwanda said it was closing the Gatuna border post to heavy trucks from the Ugandan side, it did not mean that all other borders were closed,” said a Rwandan official that preferred not to be named. “Only heavy trucks cannot enter via Gatuna until construction of the One Stop Border Post is completed; but all other borders are wide open for all traffic including trucks,” he added.

But Ugandan traders and businesses are now clandestinely attempting to exploit “panya” – informal border crossings. This, according to sources, is due to the reasoning that the other routes, “are too long.”

An article in The Daily Monitor newspaper of Yesterday, Thursday 23 May, highlights how far Ugandans are ready to break the law to smuggle goods into (and from) Rwanda, or to encourage Rwandans to resort to smuggling as well. “Traders resort to smuggling as Rwanda border remains closed,” said the headline, repeating the false claim that the border is “closed.”

The article adds: “Local residents and traders said smuggling is risky but highly rewarding. The smuggling traffic is both ways, with Ugandans clandestinely moving goods across porous borders in the night, while also encouraging Rwandans to smuggle beans, peas and some manufactured goods into Uganda.”

Over a week ago Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni issued what seemed open encouragement of crime with remarks that, “if the Rwandan border remains closed, then people will resort to smuggling.” According to the Rwandan official we talked to for this story, “It seems that Ugandan traders have taken encouragement from their leader’s suggestions that they resort to crime!

“But the Ugandan leadership should know that as countries, we have to deal with each other in lawful, recognized and mutually respectful ways, otherwise it will be anarchy!”

Uganda’s main pathway into Rwanda is Gatuna. Rwanda has made clear that in no way is its closure of Gatuna (to heavy trucks) related to the Museveni regime’s hostility to Rwanda, and Rwandan citizens. Nevertheless, according to sources on the ground, Ugandan businesses and traders have been hit very very hard.

There have been many media reports of Ugandan officials crying out, everywhere, accusing Rwanda of, “unilaterally closing the border”. Uganda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Sam Kutesa complained to foreign diplomats about that. Philemon Mateke, Ruhakana Rugunda, Kahinda Otafiire are amongst the other high-ranking officials claiming that Ugandan businesses are suffering because “Rwanda has closed the border”!

Listening to these people, you will realize that their only concerns are the profits!, commented a Kigali analyst. “It is as if the Rwandans that Museveni’s security agencies have been torturing, are still being tortured or those facing imprisonment with no court process are not human beings. How selfish!”

At the end of February, Rwandan authorities decided to issue a very strong advisory to the country’s nationals against travel to Uganda. That was when it became clear that Kampala was bent on a policy of illegally arresting or abducting Rwandans, holding them incommunicado, in torture dungeons of the notorious “safe houses” and physically abusing them for days.

Rwanda had repeatedly – and through diplomatic channels – protested the mistreatment of Rwandans by Museveni’s security agencies, according to many reports.

According to Foreign Affairs Minister Richard Sezibera, there is very little guarantee that once across the border, a Rwandan’s safety is assured. Over a thousand Rwandans are said to be illegally incarcerated in various Ugandan prisons. Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence, CMI, and Internal Security Organization, ISO, have been the main abusers of the rights of Rwandans.

But when you hear of Ugandan officials complaining that Rwanda has disrupted Ugandan trade, you ask yourself if they think that that is more important than human beings that are abducted and tortured almost to death, just because of who they are, commented the analyst.

Meanwhile, it seems, sober-minded economists like Ramathan Ggoobi, a lecturer at Kampala’s Makerere University have warned: “Rwanda is more important to the health of Uganda’s economy than China, India, Japan, the UK and USA! Rwanda bought goods and services from Uganda worth US$ 257 million, and earned only US$ 18 million.”

According to Ggoobi, and other economists, figures like this make it very clear that Uganda needs Rwanda far more than the other way round. Uganda, he wrote, exports to Rwanda mainly construction materials – earths and stone, plastering materials, lime and cement. She exports animal or vegetable fats and oils, prepared edible fats, animal products – meat, milk, cheese etc.

Ggoobi continued, “Uganda exports to Rwanda fast-moving goods and processed food, cereals, iron and steel and their products, as well as several manufactured products – plastic, sugar, beverages and spirits, paper, wood, chemicals et cetera. “It is clear that Rwanda’s basket of imports from Uganda constitutes the latter’s typical export commodities and products,” he remarked.

Security analysts have been asking themselves what is so important to the Museveni regime about being hostile to Rwanda that he is willing to ruin relations with as favorable trade partner and neighbor as Rwanda. A frequent question is why destabilizing Rwanda is so important for Museveni – who has been proven to be in bed with anti Rwanda elements like the FDLR and RNC – that he will risk everything.

The people of Katuna, in Uganda, are some of the people feeling the pinch the hardest. The Chairman of the Traders’ Association at Katuna Town Council, Mr. Franco Korinako said business in Katuna (Uganda side) had collapsed and many shops and hotels closed because of lack of customers, wrote The Daily Monitor.

Before yesterdayVIRUNGA POST

Terror suspect Nsabimana: I ordered attacks on public infrastructure, security personnel

By admin

Court heard of the facilitation Nsabimana received from Burundi and Uganda, two of Rwanda’s neighbours.

By The New Times

Callixte Nsabimana and his lawyer Moise Nkundabarashi in Court earlier today (Sam Ngendahimana.

Terror suspect Callixte Nsabimana appeared before Kacyiru Primary Court on Thursday where he was charged for 16 terror-related crimes.

The session started with prosecution laying out the charges that included attacks on Rwandans that left up to nine people dead and many others injured.

He was also charged with forming a rebel group that carried out the terror attacks, mainly in southern Rwanda.

The suspect pleaded guilty to all the charges and went on to claim that while he ordered attacks on public installations and security organs, he never ordered attacks on civilians.

“Let me address the Nyungwe attacks (of last year)…we had given FNL specific instructions that whatever operation they launch, it should be about destroying bridges, ambush military vehicles, attack sector and district office as well as police and military camps,” Nsabimana told the court.

“We didn’t expect them to attack civilians,” he added.

FNL is the terror group he was involved with and held the title of spokesperson.

“When I was arrested and showed evidence of what had happened. I was shocked to see that six people were killed and most were women,” he told the packed courtroom that was dead silent in reaction.

Burundi, Uganda support

The court also heard of the facilitation Nsabimana received from Burundi and Uganda, two of Rwanda’s neighbours.

The suspect told the court of some details of the kind of support he received.

“I have been working with people from the Intelligence in Burundi but to be specific, the government and military were not involved. They were not aware of our clandestine operations. In fact, some of our people were arrested there many times,” Nsabimana said.

In March, the suspect was facilitated by a one Major Bertin aka Moses; Burundi’s External Intelligence Officer and a Ugandan Captain Sunday Charles to meet Uganda’s Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho.

“We met Ugandan military officials. There was a scheduled meeting with Brig. Gen Kandiho [Head of Uganda’s military Intelligence] but on the day of the meeting, he had an emergency so he sent a Colonel. We requested for military and diplomatic support and by the end of the meeting we were given a positive answer.”

“By the time of my arrest, our delegation was in the process of going back to Uganda to collect on the promise.”

During his pre-trial hearing before Kacyiru Primary Court located in Kibagabaga, the prosecution said that the accused, who calls himself ‘Sankara’, had fully cooperated during the questioning.

Appearing in court alongside his lawyer Moise Nkundabarashi, the suspect and denounced his terror outfit.

“From today onwards, I am done with FLN and whatever else they may do is on them not me,” he said. “I did not give them the instructions to kill civilians and I take responsibility for my part in it.”

The suspect told the court that he was remorseful.

“I would like to apologise to the President, the injured, the families of the ones that passed away and to Rwandans in general,” he said.

The charges he is facing include; terrorism, murder, kidnap, genocide denial, arson, armed robbery, forgery and causing bodily harm among others.

The prosecution, which is in possession of the suspects three cell phones, a fake Lesotho passport and four pairs of sunglasses asked court that the suspect remains in custody owing to the gravity of the alleged crimes and the fact that he has no known address.

During the hearing, prosecution asked that the accused be remanded, advancing a number of reasons including the fact that he would tamper with evidence and was a flight risk, considering the crimes he stands accused and him not having a current address in Rwanda.

The New Times / Rwanda

Kampala regime killing own people – Ugandan minister

By admin


By The New Times

CLOCKWISE: Idah Nantaba, Ibrahim Abiriga, Felix Kaweesi, Mohamed Kiggundu, Joan Kagezi, and Muhammed Kirumira.

A Ugandan cabinet minister has said that President Yoweri Museveni’s government is behind a spate of killings in which high-profile personalities, including government officials, have been killed in recent years.

The “truth is that the killers are within security and government,” Idah Nantaba, the Minister of State for ICT, is quoted by Ugandan newspaper, Daily Monitor, as saying.

She was reportedly addressing a congregation at Bukolooto Seventh Day Adventists Church in Kayunga Town over the weekend.

The masterminds, Nantaba said, were highly-placed government and security officials who are “untouchables,” a moniker in Uganda’s politics for individuals who orbit in the highest circles of government and state, according to the report in Monday’s edition of the Ugandan paper.

“As Ugandans, we have more than 10,000 questions on who is choosing which Ugandan to kill like chicken. I was going to be the next, but God saved me,” the paper quoted Nantaba as saying, in reference to the March 24 incident in which police shot dead a one Ronald Ssebulime on allegations of trailing the minister.

The Ugandan police later recanted its earlier narrative that the deceased was armed and killed in firefight, admitting that its officers killed the 40-year-old widower, then a resident of Wakiso District, in cold blood.

Amid bursts of tears, Nantaba, a member of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) repeatedly choked on words and gasped for air, the publication said.

“I was shocked when a highly-placed person in security, who was trying to hatch a plan to have me assassinated, was promoted,” Nantaba is quoted as saying in the story.

‘When they kill me, I’ll go to heaven’

She added: “I have come here to tell you the truth because I have been in hiding and my enemies have been using the media to distort the information about how Ssebulime wanted to kill me.

“I have decided to come here for prayers because I know when they kill [me], I will go to heaven.”

Ugandan ICT minister was however unable to complete her remarks, with another cabinet minister coming forward to restrain her midway through her remarks.

Tourism minister Geodfrey Kiwanda had to intervene and talk her out of further revelations, according to the Ugandan newspaper.

Uganda has in recent years been rocked by high-profile assassinations of individuals within and outside Ugandan government circles, including high-profile army and police officers, a high-ranking prosecutor, an NRM parliamentarian, and several Muslim clerics, as well as killings that have particularly targeted women in and around major urban centres.

Among prominent Ugandans whose killings remain unresolved include Assistant Inspector General of Police Felix Kaweesi, Chief Inspector of Police Muhammed Kirumira, MP for Arua Municipality Col (Rtd) Ibrahim Abiriga. Others include former Assistant Prosecutor General Joan Kagezi and Major Mohamed Kiggundu, several Muslim Sheikhs, among others.

Nantaba’s claims add to previous accusations by particularly opposition figures who have blamed the Museveni government for the killings.

In October last year, Opposition leader Kiiza Besigye told a news conference that Ugandan regime had plotted to kill MP Robert Kyagulanyi, a musician-cum-politician who is best known as Bobi Wine, during parliamentary by-election chaos in West Nile in August, and blame his death on opposition politicians.

“Efforts have been made to cause conflict within the Opposition which would be the launch pad for assassinations. This nearly happened in Arua and they targeted to kill Honourable Kyagulanyi and arrest Besigye for murder,” Besigye told the media at the time.

He added: “We lost someone in Arua who was sitting where Bobi Wine sits and nobody has been arrested for shooting Yasin [Kawuma] (Bobi Wine’s driver), but we know what happened to the killers,” Dr Besigye was quoted in the Daily Monitor as saying.

“The plan to eliminate political opponents has been there all along but has always sought to do so through subtle means, poisoning and all kinds of undetected ways. Quite a number of our colleagues have retired in that kind of way.

“But I think because of the mounting crisis, that [covert elimination] has shifted to a more radical way and the plan has been to ferment, choreograph and manage what appears to the public as serious disagreements between the forces that oppose the regime,” he added.

The Kampala establishment has since rejected both Besigye and Minister Nantaba’s claims, with Uganda Media Centre and Police officials challenging the latter’s assertions, while ICT minister Frank Tumwebaze dismissed Besigye’s claims, saying he was only looking for relevance.

“It doesn’t help her by talking in tongues. She has access to the President, Inspector General of Police and Army Commander, she (Nantaba) cannot tell us that the entire army wants to kill her,” Ofwono Opondo, executive director at Uganda Media Centre, was quoted as saying by Daily Monitor yesterday, in reference to Minister Nantaba’s damning revelation.

‘Order to kill people are Museveni’s’

Allegations of Museveni government-sponsored assassinations date as far back as 1980s. One of the alleged high-profile early victims is Dr Andrew Kayiira, a former Energy minister and leader of the then Uganda Freedom Movement, who was murdered in cold blood on March 6, 1987.

Commenting on these assassinations allegedly masterminded by the government, exiled Ugandan physician-cum-politician Dr Aggrey Kiyingi, told The New Times last month that “orders to kill people are Museveni’s.”

“There is no other explanation. It is clear that he masterminds these things, and then blames other people…

“He blames “neighbouring countries” even before any investigation. He blames everyone else, and uses Uganda’s corrupt press for his blame games. He is an expert at evading responsibility,” Kiyingi said in reference to the 74-year-old who will be seeking a sixth term in office come 2021, having already ruled for 33 years.

Ugandan government has in recent years attempted to link the murders to alleged security operatives from Rwanda in what observers see as an effort to deflect attention from the real cause of the current frosty relations between Kampala and Kigali.

The Rwandan government has accused Uganda of arbitrarily arresting, torturing and irregularly deporting Rwandan nationals; harbouring and actively supporting armed Rwandan dissident and genocidal forces with a view to destabilise Rwanda, and breaching East African Community protocols through restrictions that amount to economic sabotage.

Kampala has impounded containers of Rwandan exports transiting through Uganda, including minerals and dairy products, resulting in a loss of billions of Rwandan Francs.

While the Ugandan government continues to downplay Kigali’s grievances – including during last week’s statement by Uganda’s Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa to diplomats in Kampala – President Museveni has admitted to hosting Rwandan dissidents at State House.

In March, Museveni, in a letter to President Paul Kagame, finally admitted to holding talks with RNC leaders at State House in Kampala, even as he claimed that that the meeting was “by accident”.

It later emerged that one of the RNC officials Museveni met, Charlotte Mukankusi, had been facilitated with a Ugandan passport, apparently to ease her travels around the world as head of RNC’s diplomacy.

RNC was co-founded by, among others, fugitive Kayumba Nyamwasa who was in 2011 sentenced in absentia to 24 years in jail and stripped of his military ranks after he was found guilty of forming a terrorist group, threatening state security, undermining public order, promoting ethnic divisions, desertion from the Army, among other charges.

Several UN reports have linked RNC – blamed for a spate of grenade attacks in Kigali and other parts of the country about 10 years ago – to DR Congo-based FLDR militia, largely made up of remnants of the forces responsible for the slaughter of the over one million people during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

The latest UN report that linked Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC to FDLR and other anti-Rwanda subversive groups was published December last year.

A midterm report by the UN Group of Experts on DR Congo to the UN Security Council, dated December 31, 2018, named South Africa-based Kayumba Nyamwasa as the de facto head of an amalgamation of subversive Rwandan groups operating under the name ‘P5’, with a training base in DR Congo’s South Kivu province.

The UN report cited Uganda and Burundi as major sources of recruits and supplies for the armed group – an account that has since been corroborated by high-profile leaders of some of these groups who are on trial in Kigali.

The UN report cited Uganda and Burundi as major sources of recruits and supplies for the armed group – an account that has since been corroborated by high-profile leaders of some of these groups who are on trial in Kigali.

By The New Times.

Kampala agents are assassinating people, says Ugandan minister

By admin


By Daily Monitor

Ugandan ICT Minister Idah Nantaba and President Museveni at a past event. The Minister has accused the state agents of assassinations of different senior officials. / Agencies.

The gunmen killing notable Ugandans are not agents of Allied Democratic Front (ADF) rebel group as police previously said, but assassins from state security organs, the Minister of State for ICT, Idah Nantaba, has said.

Addressing a congregation at Bukolooto Seventh Day Adventists Church in Kayunga Town at the weekend, Nantaba said the “truth is that the killers are within security and government.”

The masterminds, she said, were highly-placed government and security officials who are “untouchables,” a moniker in Uganda’s politics to individuals who orbit in the highest circles of government and state.

“As Ugandans, we have more than 10,000 questions on who is choosing which Ugandan to kill like chicken. I was going to be the next, but God saved me,” Nantaba said in reference to the March 24 incident in which police shot dead a one Ronald Ssebulime on allegations of trailing the minister.

The Force later recanted its earlier narrative that the deceased was armed and killed in firefight, admitting that its officers killed the 40-year-old widower, then a resident of Wakiso District, in cold blood while on his way to visit his two daughters at St Andrew’s SS Kabimbiri in Kayunga District.

It remains unclear whether Nantaba, also the Kayunga District Woman MP, who was the main complainant in the case, ever recorded a statement with police on Ssebulime’s killing after she spurned initial police summons to do so, claiming President Museveni had instructed her to stay at home.

Amid bursts of tears, Nantaba, who repeatedly choked on words and gasped for air, said: “I was shocked when a highly-placed person in security, who was trying to hatch a plan to have me assassinated, was promoted.”

The minister, a member of the Seventh Day Adventist Church, did not provide any names or other forms of an identifier, prompting government and police to question why she had not lodged a formal compliant with law enforcement officials.

“It does not help her by talking in tongues. She has access to the President, Inspector General of Police and Army Commander, she cannot tell us that the entire army wants to kill her,” Ofwono Opondo, the executive director at Uganda Media Centre, said.

Fred Enanga, the police spokesperson, said they have no record of the minister’s complaint about threats to her life.

“It is unfortunate that she is talking about threats in her life in the media. Let her come out and make these threats in writing,” he said.

There have been previous incidents of politicians and security officials, among them former Arua Municipality MP Ibrahim Abiriga and former Buyende District police commander Muhammad Kirumira, who were shot dead last year after each publicly complained that men on motorcycles were trailing them. As it turned out, their killers fled on motorcycles.

Other high-ranking individuals killed in similar fashion included senior state prosecutor Joan Kagezi, former police spokesperson Andrew Kawees, Maj (Rtd) Muhammed Kiggundu and about a dozen Muslim clerics.

The then Inspector General of Police, Gen Kale Kayihura, whom President Museveni fired early last year after publicly scolding him that the Force he superintended had been infiltrated by “criminal elements,” blamed the high-profile killings on ADF elements.

Gen Kayihura did not provide evidence, and Ms Nantaba punched holes in the assertions.

“I have come here to tell you the truth because I have been in hiding and my enemies have been using the media to distort the information about how Ssebulime wanted to kill me,” Nantaba said, adding: “I have decided to come here for prayers because I know when they kill [me], I will go to heaven.”

Nantaba’s unrestrained swipe at the government prompted her Tourism counterpart, Godfrey Kiwanda, to leap onto the podium and talk her out of further verbal assault.

At the function, Nantaba gave contradicting accounts from her earlier testimony of the events that followed the late Ssebulime’s killing.

She said Ssebulime, who was riding a motorbike, confronted her twice while peeping in her vehicle.

The minister previously said Ssebulime stopped in front of her vehicle and rode away at a high speed, prompting her to pursue him.

Nantaba, in accounts we could not independently verify, said a top official of Uganda Communications Commission informed her that they had identified the caller believed to have issued last-minute orders to kill Ssebulime, who was already hand-cuffed, but the regulator, claimed that the information was “too sensitive.”

Daily Monitor.

The root cause of the tension and conflict between Uganda and Rwanda: a deeper analysis

By admin

In the last few months, there has been renewed tension between Rwanda and Uganda.

By The New Times

In the last few months, there has been renewed tension between Rwanda and Uganda. Many have advanced the causes of the tension, some authoritatively.

Among the self-styled authorities is one Giles Muhame of the Chimpreports who articulated a plethora of reasons for the existing bad blood between Uganda and Rwanda, of which he received praises from one Rwandan turncoat David Himbara as an excellent analysis.

His reasons among others include;

· Rwanda Air denied traffic route through Entebbe airport to London.

· Gen. Kabarebe statement describing Uganda as an enemy country.

· The Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) diverted to South Sudan instead of continuing to Kigali as originally agreed.

· Uganda’s failure to extend power transmission lines from Ethiopia and Kenya as originally agreed.

· Kidnapping and repatriation of Joel Mutabazi.

All these have received appropriate responses that I may not have to repeat them.

Recently, one Tom Collins posted an article in the “African business Magazine.com that, “…..the feud between Uganda and Rwanda ……. can be understood through the lens of Kagame and Museveni’s complicated personal relationship”.

He shares the view with many so-called sub-regional experts like Filip Reynjens.

Rwanda has accused Uganda of economic sabotage, kidnapping, torturing and killing Rwandans.

These have been substantiated with evidence including President Museveni own confession of his meeting with the RNC senior diplomats Charlotte Mukankunsi and Eugene Gasana.

Uganda accuses Rwanda of spying and espionage. President Museveni in his letter to President Kagame confessing his meeting with RNC senior diplomats Charlotte Mukankunsi and Eugene Gasana said, “….what’s wrong is for Rwanda to operate behind the Government of Uganda. I get a lot of stories, but I will never raise them unless I have confirmed them”.

From the horse’s mouth, it is evident that what is talked of Rwanda’s spying and espionage are mere unsubstantiated stories. As the revered revolutionary at one time admired by President Museveni, Mao Tse Tung said, “Seek the truth through facts”.

Therefore, there is no grain of truth in the allegations against Rwanda’s spying and espionage, since there are no facts supporting them.

My thrust in this paper is to analyze the real root cause of tension and conflict between Uganda and Rwanda.

Whether the well-substantiated Rwanda government accusations against Uganda, or the Uganda government unsubstantiated stories against Rwanda, they are all simply symptoms or manifestations of the real problem and not the root cause of the long term tension and conflict between the erstwhile brotherly countries.

When medical doctors are treating disease, they focus on the causal factor, not the symptoms.

Likewise, the practitioners of international relations like the politicians and military strategists; theorists like the media, academics, authors inter alia; should focus on the root cause of the tension and conflict between Uganda and Rwanda and not the manifestations of the problem, unless if they only want to manage the problem and not to eliminate it.

It’s therefore imperative that we analyze the Uganda-Rwanda tensions and conflicts from the Actors point of view as the root cause rather than dwelling on the actions or the manifestations of the real problem or root cause.

President Museveni’s grandiosity

This is the root cause of the perennial tension and conflict that have characterized the relations between Rwanda and Uganda since the Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army took over power in 1994.

Grandiosity generally refers to an unrealistic sense of superiority, where one view themselves as better than others, consequently, viewing others with disdain or as inferior.

This definition describes well President Museveni’s character and behavior towards his predecessors, the Uganda opposition leaders, the fellow regional leaders and especially Rwandan leadership and Rwanda as a sovereign country.

A. Museveni’s Grandiosity character at the domestic level

Uganda is Gomborora

Immediately after the takeover of the country by NRM/A led by Museveni in 1986, he compared leading Uganda with being a Gombolora (sub-county) chief. He said that Uganda was too small for him.

Museveni has been a strong advocate of African continental integration and the East African sub-regional integration. Indeed, he has been elected to spearhead the East African Political Integration.

But to him, either East Africa or African integration can be achieved if only he is the one in the driver’s seat.

Contempt of his predecessors

President Museveni is on record to have described his predecessors as swine. The term swine used informally means, “a contemptible or unpleasant person”. The only president Uganda has had is him. The rest are swine.

Justification for clinging to power

For those who seek the explanation for President Museveni overstay in power, the answer lies in his grandiose character. In his book, “What is Africa’s Problem?”, Museveni argued that the major problem for Africa is that “African leaders overstay in power”.

His sixth term will end in 2021 when he will have been in power for 35 years; one and a half times the number of years all other Ugandan presidents have been in power. He has already declared himself a sole candidate for NRM party come 2021.

His reasons for overstaying in power clearly reflect the dictionary definition of his grandiose character. He has consistently argued that he has not yet accomplished his mission for Uganda which he went to the bush for and has no one to hand over power to.

He has openly said that he is the only one with a vision. Other Ugandans lack this vision.

During the Interparty Organization for Dialogue (IPOD) summit attended by heads of different political parties in Uganda on 12 December 2018, the opposition party leaders urged him to consider a peaceful transition to another leader.

Museveni told them that he is not about to leave power and should stop thinking of transition. He told them he will not think of relinquishing power until he is satisfied that the prosperity and strategic security of Africa have been achieved.

“If I still have strength, I will continue. That’s my point of view.- not to retire when original issues of why Africa nearly perished have not been addressed. And you are just addressing small things –elections. The ones you are electing to do what exactly? That you should answer. I have no other interests in politics because am a cattle keeper

No opposition leader or any Ugandan is capable of replacing him. He has the vision for Uganda and Africa, which no one else can have.

Reference to Ugandans as children and grandchildren

Museveni refers to all Ugandans as his children or grandchildren. In all cultures particularly in Africa, children and grandchildren have to listen and take unquestioning orders from their parents and grandparents.

All Ugandans are all still amateurs. They are all too young to lead Uganda.

Museveni as Sabalwanyi

He has decorated himself with the title of Sabalwanyi. This is a Luganda term meaning the supreme fighter. He took over power through the barrel of the gun and knows that the only way to remove him can be through the barrel of the gun.

He knows no one can remove him through the ballot.

He is, therefore, scaring Ugandans never to think of using the gun to remove him. The use of a gun is only his preserve.

B. Museveni’s Grandiosity at Continental level

Contempt for other African Presidents

President Museveni goes beyond being a sent- savior for Uganda and Ugandans to believing that he is a sent-savior for Africa and Africans. “That’s my point of view.- not to retire when original issues of why Africa nearly perished have not been addressed”.

He believes Africa suffered heavily under colonialism and all African presidents have failed to address the plight of Africans. He is the only one who has the will and capacity to restore the prosperity and dignity to Africans.

That’s why he gives endless, largely fact-distorted lectures on Pan-Africanism.

He doesn’t even pay any respect to the African leaders who fought for African independence; forged the African unity through Organisation of African Unity (OAU) the predecessor of African Union (AU); and those who fought and defeated the South African apartheid. After 35 years, he needs more to liberate Africans from poverty and insecurity.

C. Museveni’s grandiosity and Rwanda

Museveni’s grandiosity has been more conspicuous on his erstwhile ally and brotherly neighbouring country Rwanda. This led to the deadly conflict in Kisangani, DRC which exacerbated the tension and suspicion between the two countries.

In his quest for his hegemonic leadership and control of the sub-region and the continent at large, he saw Rwanda as the entry point. Rwanda patriotic army was formed in Uganda by commanders under his leadership.

Rwanda another Ugandan district and RDF another UPDF Division.

The Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) and Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA) that liberated Rwanda had roots in Uganda. All senior commanders of RPA and the big bulk of its soldiers were in NRA later UPDF under Museveni leadership.

More than half of the 27 NRA pioneer fighters who started the liberation war and over 40 percent of the Museveni’s NRA soldiers that captured Kampala in 1986 were Rwandans.

They included number three in the NRA hierarchy, Major General Fred Rwigema who became Deputy Army Commander, and later Deputy Minister of Defence, and the current Rwandan President Paul Kagame.

Museveni sympathised with RPF/A liberation war mainly because he saw their success as a stepping-stone and a long desired entry point for his regional hegemony.

Indeed, immediately after RPF/A took over the government, Museveni and his senior commanders looked at Rwanda as yet an additional Ugandan district, and RPA, later RDF as an additional NRA division. They referred to RPA commanders as “our boys”.

Despite working with him for a long time, Museveni had never known who the real Kagame was.

He had simply regarded him as his soldier/officer and maintained the same lens even after Kagame led Rwandans to liberate their country and was now the Vice President and later the President of an independent sovereign nation. He was wrong.

Kagame showed him that Rwanda was a sovereign country and RDF was a national army. Museveni didn’t take it well and that’s when he started plotting for the regime change.

To install someone who can take orders from him and open his gateway to sub-regional control.

This started only a few years after RPF/A had liberated the country.

President Kagame in the recent National Retreat, exposed how Gerald Prunier in his book talks of how as far back as 1998, he met the Ugandan generals led by General Saleh (Museveni’s brother) together with Seth Sendashonga who had defected from RPF government.

In the meeting, Gen Saleh asked Sendashonga to mobilize Rwandans in exile to fight and remove the RPF government.

The Rwandans in exile at that time were mainly the ex-FAR and Interahamwe who had committed genocide. It’s, therefore, no wonder that Museveni is still actively mobilizing and supporting these genocide forces calling themselves FDLR and any other force planning to remove the current Rwanda government.

Museveni had also all along been courting Kayumba Nyamwasa to rebel against the new Rwanda government of which he ultimately succeeded. Kayumba was accorded a red carpet welcome by Museveni’s brother Gen Saleh when he escaped.

It’s said that it was the first time President Museveni took a glass of champagne, fully convinced that Kayumba will help him accomplish his mission of regime change in Rwanda. Kayumba is now the leader of RNC which is fighting to overthrow Rwanda government, and which President Museveni and all his security machinery have thrown their weight behind.

Congo wars

It should be remembered that the liberation of former Zaire and installation of Kabila to power rested entirely on Rwanda shoulders. Uganda never participated in the first Congo war despite the persistent insinuation by Museveni that he did.

After the RPA forces had captured the major cities and it became clear that the fall of Kinshasa was inevitable, Museveni sided with Mobutu to accuse Rwanda of aggression.

When Mwalimu Julius Nyerere asked him why he was against the “Young RPF leadership”, Museveni’s response was, “they don’t listen to me”. Mwalimu reminded him that Rwanda is a sovereign country and they don’t have to listen to him.

When RPA forces were advancing towards Kinshasa, Museveni asked Kagame that they should allow Gen Saleh to command the capture of Kinshasa. His reasons were that Gen. Saleh was a very seasoned, senior and more experienced commander than the young RPA commanders.

He had captured Kampala. But RPA new very well who had captured Kampala and these were the same commanders who were advancing towards Kinshasa.

They had captured the whole of Zaire and were just left with Kinshasa. And that’s the part Museveni wanted Gen Saleh to accomplish.

His reasons for wanting his brother Gen Saleh to capture Kinshasa goes beyond stealing the show from Rwanda and taking the glory of removing the then worst African dictator, but had economic interests as have always been associated with this particular general.

Remember in Museveni’s autobiography Sowing the Mustard Seed, the whole Uganda liberation is all centered on him and his brother Gen Saleh.

Refer back to the definition of grandiosity; “…… the brief that few others have anything in common with oneself and that one can only be understood by a few or very special people”. Only his family-his wife, his brother, and his son are “the very few and special people” who can understand him.

Congo II /Kisangani battles

During the Congo II war, Uganda forces participated on the periphery as RDF forces moved quickly to capture several towns in the Eastern and South Eastern DRC.

UPDF, on the other hand, focused on the mineral-rich areas of North Eastern DRC.

By the time of observing the cease-fire, UPDF had no town to settle in. Uganda commanders requested Rwanda counterparts to give them Kisangani town since they (Rwanda) had many other towns like Goma, Bukavu, Kindu, Uvira among many others. Rwanda commanders refused.

They told them that each force should occupy the area and town they shed blood to capture.

The response didn’t go well with Uganda commanders. (Commanders take orders from Commander-in-Chief).

During one meeting in Goma which included one representative of Mwalimu Nyerere; Kahinda Otafiire who was leading the Ugandan delegation in the negotiations told off the Rwandan delegation using the analogy of a dog called Kakwisi that, “either you give us Kisangani or we all lose it”.

He has since then earned a nickname of Kakwisi.

It was after these Kisangani battles, which left Uganda forces badly bruised, that Museveni went to Parliament to declare Rwanda an enemy country.

This was the singular cause of Kisangani battles. Other reasons that have been advanced are either ill-informed speculations or mere face-saving politicking.

D. Revelations by Museveni’s benefactor

If all the analysis above cannot convince you on the innate Museveni’s grandiosity, you cannot negate the revelations by his benefactor, the late Boniface Byanyima.

Museveni spent a big part of his early life at Byanyima’s home who supported him in various aspects including giving him pocket money.

In his interview with Benon Herbert Oluka, in December 2015 Byanyima revealed to him “The Museveni I know”.

I will lift a few of Byanyima’s own statements verbatim.

He visited us frequently. He liked me and my family, my children. We treated him as our child”.

He was a young man of ambition, always trying to show that he was better than other students. And he appeared to be ambitious in small things. Whenever he got a chance, he wanted to show that he was an important person. He wanted to be respected”.

“But I didn’t believe him because I could see that he also wanted an opportunity to show that he was important. I thought that even if he took power, he wouldn’t put into practice what he was talking about. I looked at him as the kind of person who wanted to promote himself rather than working for a principle because he would say one thing now, then another time a different thing. He didn’t show me consistency”.

These are verbatim statements from Museveni’s benefactor who closely interacted with him during his early days. Clear demonstration of Museveni grandiosity character right from his youth.

E. President Kagame’s extraordinary leadership achievements

President Museveni’s grandiosity ego has been wounded by President Kagame’s extraordinary leadership achievements after inheriting a country in ashes left by genocide.

His achievements in a record short time in areas of national socio-economic transformation, social cohesion, Information, Communication Technology (ICT) among many others; has been dubbed the “Rwandan miracle”.

This has earned him international recognition leading to his unanimous election by the African Heads of State and Government to spearhead the African Union Reforms and by the UN General Assembly to be part of the United Nation reforms team; both of which Museveni campaigned against vehemently.

Museveni’s envy for Kagame’s leadership achievements has heightened his resolve for regime change in Rwanda.

In conclusion, many writers from different circles have advanced the causes of the perennial tension and conflict between Uganda and Rwanda. All the advanced purported causes are mere symptoms or manifestations of the real problem.

Studies on International conflicts and Human behavior have shown that the locus of the important causes of war is found in nature and the behavior of man. Indeed, the root of all evil is man, and thus he is himself the root of the specific evil, war.

The root cause of the tension and conflict between Uganda and Rwanda can only be traced to the grandiosity character of President Museveni. Several cases right from his youth as revealed by his benefactor to his presidential era, clearly illustrate this.

President Museveni wants regime change in Rwanda to have in place the one he can use as a stepping-stone and a get-way to control the region and fulfill his long-held grandiose hegemonic dreams.

The author is a security expert on the Great Lakes Region

Museveni calls upon desperate Ugandan traders to resort to criminal smuggling

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza.

President Yoweri Museveni.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni is now openly calling for smuggling, while falsely claiming that Rwanda has “closed the border”. Museveni was talking to a group of foreign military officials when he openly called for Ugandan businesses and traders to resort to crime.

“Even if the border is closed,” Museveni said, “trade will go on, only that it will be through smuggling.” The Ugandan ruler of 33 years added: “You can’t stop trade through border administration. People resort to smuggling.”

An examination of the facts shows Museveni’s speech is filled with what some immediately called “desperate lying” that also involves inciting Ugandans to crime. The Rwandan administration has made clear it closed no borders. Rwanda said only the border of Gatuna was closed only to heavy trucks from the Ugandan side.

When the Rwandan authorities made the announcement on 1st March this year, they said the move to shut out heavy trucks was to facilitate fast completion of construction of the One Stop Border Post. Lighter vehicles can come and go as they please. At Gatuna people of all nations come and go, any time, with no restrictions. Heavy trucks are advised to use the Kagitumba Border.

Museveni disregarded all these facts as he called Ugandans to bypass lawful ways of doing things, by engaging in smuggling.

According to analysts, “the arrogance of the Museveni leadership in assuming that they can push Rwanda as they feel, it is what is coming back to bite them in the rear and now forcing them into promoting criminality.”

Observers say Rwanda’s decision – though fully intended to expedite work on its side of the OSBP – has caused a huge backlash against Museveni by Ugandan businessmen and traders that are losing a lot of business. Many are questioning Museveni’s hostile stance to Rwanda, including hosting or facilitating rebel groups bent on destabilizing Rwanda.

According to trade statistics, Uganda has been exporting around US$ 178 million worth of goods to Rwanda per annum, while Rwanda was exporting about 30 million worth to her northern neighbor. “As you can see, Uganda needs Rwanda far more than the other way round,” say analysts from both sides of the border.

Rwanda is better served shifting business to other neighbors, and moving her international trade through countries that are more neighborly than Museveni’s Uganda, is the reasoning now. Rwandan traders are being encouraged to cultivate business ties with more hospitable neighbor states where there are no chances of being abducted, illegally jailed, held incommunicado, and tortured.

Rwanda’s Foreign Minister Richard Sezibera on his official Twitter Account at the beginning of march issued a strong advisory to Rwandans not to travel to Uganda, citing reasons such as extra-legal arrests, being held in unknown places without consular services being able to access them, and being detained for lengthy periods with no trial.

Such criminal mistreatments of Rwandans have not stopped up to now.

Museveni never mentioned these issues as he was giving his falsehood-filled speech.

Also, to hear Museveni talk of “market integration of Africa” is the ultimate in duplicity and hypocrisy, said a Kampala-based analyst that listened to him.

“Market integration of Africa and political integration for strategic security will stimulate the continent’s prosperity, and rapid economic transformation for the continent,” Museveni said.

But how does a person whose government more than any other breaks EAC Common Market laws on freedom of movement of people and goods dare say anything about African integration? wondered the analyst. More than a thousand Rwandans are in Ugandan prisons, having been arrested on false accusations of “illegal entry”.

The illegal entry accusations are on their face illegal in themselves, say lawyers.

“EAC Common Market Law is clear, citizens of East African Community member countries are by law supposed to move to, and within other member countries without fear of prosecution or persecution,” said a Ugandan lawmaker that’s also a member of the EAC Parliament.

But even after so many Rwandans have produced their national IDs to prove they are citizens of an EAC country; and even when those with passports and legitimate travel passes show them, very many still have ended up arrested, thrown in inhumane conditions in police cells in places like Kisoro, Kabale, Mbarara, and tortured. Many after suffering such abuses and torture are simply dumped at the borders by Ugandan authorities.

Also very many other Rwandan nationals have been abducted by security agencies such as the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence with accusations of “spying”, for which the accusers have never produced proof, or tried them in court so they could defend themselves.

The Museveni regime’s hostility to Rwanda has extended to Rwandan goods in transit through Uganda. In the recent past Ugandan authorities have stopped and held trucks carrying consignments of Rwandan milk exports to Kenya, until the milk went bad, causing huge losses to the exporters. Ugandan officials also have stopped a couple of trucks-full of Rwandan minerals en-route to the port, and held them for several months.

“They stopped the minerals even though all the paperwork was in order and nothing was wrong with them,” said a Rwandan official.

“Museveni and his people are not good neighbors at all and the sooner everyone totally understands that, the better!”, he added.

It’s simply amazing that rather than fixing this state of affairs that he is solely responsible for causing, Museveni is encouraging criminality.

CMI abducts two members of Rwandan church

By admin

“More than a hundred Rwandans in CMI’s Mbuya dungeon alone,” torture victim says.

By Alex Muhumuza

CMI Chief Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho (left), mastermind of abductions of innocent Rwandans, to be tortured as a Museveni regime, and RNC policy. “Nyamwasa’s people seem to be in charge of the torture and interrogation of Rwandans at CMI headquarters,” victims say.

Two leaders of the ADEPR church in Uganda, Hakizimana Bright and Nsabimana Moses – both nationals of Rwanda – were last Sunday abducted by agents of Uganda’s notorious Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence, CMI. Their whereabouts are unknown, though worried church members suspect they could be in the torture dungeons of Mbuya Barracks, the headquarters of CMI.

According to ADEPR (French acronym for Association of Pentecostal Churches of Rwanda) leaders in Kigali, problems started for the two members of the church in Kibuye in the Ugandan capital of Kampala when they were preparing for Sunday service. “The news we got was that only a few moments after Bright arrived at the church, a policeman too arrived,” says Pastor Karangwa John, Deputy Spokesman of the ADEPR church at its headquarters in Kigali.

Pastor Karangwa says that the policeman told Pastor Hakizimana Bright – verbally, with no written summons – that he was required at the Kibuye Police Station.

So Hakizimana, who is on the leadership committee of the Kampala “Region” (as they call it in their pastoral terminology), requested Nsabimana Moses the church deacon to accompany him. They rode in the car of a Christian that had just arrived for the church service, who then offered them a lift.

When they arrived, Hakizimana told their lift provider to go back to church, not wanting to inconvenience him. In a few moments they were shocked to see policemen emerge from inside a crummy little office, telling them to hold out their hands, and fastening handcuffs on them.

They weren’t told what it was they were supposed to have done. They were not read any charges. “There was nothing like a legal procedure!” Pastor Karangwa says they learnt these details from Christians that became very worried when hours passed and they didn’t see their pastors, and then went to the station to inquire.

After persistent inquiries by the worried Christians, one policeman finally said: “It is CMI that ordered us to call Pastor Bright; and it is CMI whom you should be asking!”

Hakizimana Bright is a pastor, and also a member of the committee running the ADEPR Kampala Region. Nsabimana is a deacon, in charge of church administrative work. “Our only work in Uganda, or in any other country is missionary work, nothing else!” says Pastor Karangwa. “We are looking only for souls to save; to turn to Christ. We don’t know what CMI is looking for amongst us!”

Pastor Karangwa disclosed that there have been problems for church members for the past several months in Uganda. The incident on Sunday is not the first time CMI has abducted members of ADEPR in Uganda.

In March this year the leader of the region, Pastor Ntakirutimana Theoneste was arrested in similar manner by the agency’s operatives and taken away, together with another Christian, Cyusa Jean Paul.

What happened to Ntakirutimana is that he was summoned by the police, early in March and told, “to go bring all the church registration documents!” That was at the same station, Kibuye. When he brought the documents they ordered him to go to Katwe Police Station.

When Ntakirutimana arrived at the Katwe station – in one of the noisiest, most crowded parts of Kampala – they took the documents from him. They then went “into a sort of meeting”, and after about thirty minutes, they came out. One of them abruptly proceeded to put handcuffs on Pastor Ntakirutimana!

Then, as he tells it, “a numberless car with tinted glasses drove up and they bundled me inside. They slapped a hood over my head and drove away, to CMI headquarters.”

Readers of the stories of abducted Rwandans lucky enough to leave CMI’s dungeons alive are familiar with this bandit-like treatment of those they arrest. Pastor Ntakirutimana, who has just been released from two months of torture hell is convinced they arrested him just because he is a Rwandan.

He says he has left more than one hundred Rwandans suffering torture at the hands of sadistic operatives. Ntakirutimana says when they abducted him; they accused him being “a spy of Rwanda”. The churchman says he was shocked by such “strange accusations”.

Pastor John in an interview with this news website said it seems there is someone in Uganda determined to bring down ADEPR. He remarked: “Everyone has learnt that these days the easiest way to get a Rwandan into trouble is to allege to CMI that such and such a Rwandan is a spy! That is what they are doing to our pastoral leaders!”

Pastor Ntakirutimana says that in his view CMI is so dangerous to Rwandans because it is as if (Kayumba Nyamwasa’s) RNC is the one running “the torture policy targeting Rwandans!” He says when they were torturing him, some of the men spoke fluent Kinyarwanda. “It was Kinyarwanda that only a Rwandan can speak,” he asserts.

While beating him, he says, they would ask: “What kind of work do you do for the government of Rwanda?

“Whom do you report to in Kigali?

“How do you work with other Rwandan institutions?” and similar questions all of which he replied he had no idea what they were talking about.

Pastor John is very worried about the torture Hakizimana and Nsabimana must be undergoing now.

“We pray to God that they will be safe!”

“Free Rutagungira because you lack case” – attorneys to UDPF Court

By admin

By Jackson Mutabazi

Rene Rutagungira (Circled).

The lawyers of Rwandan national Rene Rutagungira – who has been in Ugandan military custody since August 2017 – have filed a notice of motion with the UPDF General Court Martial to have Rutagungira released with immediate effect today, Monday 13 May 2019.

This is the date on which Rutagungira’s lead counsel – Simon Peter Esomu of Kampala law firm Kiiza & Mugisha Advocates – shall be heard by the General Court Martial, sitting at Makindye, following an application on behalf of Rutagungira that was filed on the third of this month.

CMI officials abducted Rutagungira in August 2017 as he was having a drink with friends in a bar at Bakuli in the Ugandan capital.

It was a trademark CMI “operation” whereby they just pounce on innocent Rwandans they have targetted and, without producing arrest warrants, papers or any other legal procedure, bundle their victim into vehicles.

“They just walked up to the counter where Rutagungira was seated with a friend over beers, and dragged him out, kicking and screaming,” said eyewitnesses. They would lock him up, without his family or friends being notified of his whereabouts, or why they had taken him.

Rutagungira was caught in a CMI dragnet whose ultimate target was former Uganda Police IGP Kale Kayihura. “The dragnet pulled in several police officers said to be close to Kayihura,” said a Kampala analyst. “Civilians like Rutagungira, a Rwandan, fell victim because those hunting Kayihura were dead set on concocting charges, including that “he was working with a foreign country,” added the analyst.

With all the other charges against the former Uganda Police chief CMI or ISO completely failed to come up with anything to back the charges for which Kayihura was detained, namely “kidnap” and “failure to protect war materials”. The military court had no choice but to order Kayihura released from detention, although, “to protect the country’s rulers from embarrassment” they did it on “medical grounds.”

“Rutagungira was only a victim, caught in a cross current of forces,” said a Kampala-based journalist. “On the one part he was a victim in a plot against Kayihura by ‘a cabal of high-ranking Bahima determined to bring the Mufumbira down, and were determined to concoct evidence and even ‘accomplices’”.

“But also, Rutagungira had to be turned into a sacrificial lamb in the Museveni regime’s propaganda wars against Rwanda,” said the journalist.

These propaganda wars, according to a clear analysis of them, have a two-fold purpose. To deflect blame from the Museveni regime’s utter failure to guarantee the safety and security of Ugandans. And to create false-equivalencies, to the effect that “Rwanda too is committing crimes”, yet only Kampala has been proven – with documents such as UN reports – to be involved in hostile plotting against a neighbor, Rwanda.

Kampala – Rwanda has proven with documentary proof, through endless notes verbale to Ugandan authorities issued by its High Commission to Kampala – is consorting with rebel groups RNC, FDLR, that are determined to bring violence back to Rwanda. Very many Rwandans have fallen victim to abductions by Museveni’s security agencies that always bring charges against them, mostly of “espionage”, that CMI or ISO never prove, or for which the victims are never tried.

Rutagungira was detained at Makindye Barracks, “in total contravention of his rights as a civilian.”

They charged him with two counts of “kidnap”. He was held incommunicado, and tortured, his family came to learn. They wanted to coarse him into confessing. He did not. One of his torturers was Henry Tumukunde, the former minister of national security.

Rutagungira’s lawyers said Tumukunde at one time personally went to Makindye to physically abuse Rutagungira, slapping and spitting at him, “to make him confess.”

The lawyers now, after Rutagungira being close to two years in illegal military detention, are hopeful that “this serious injustice will come to an end soon.”

In an affidavit to the General Court Martial, attorney Esomu writes: “The applicant (Rutagungira) has been in military detention since 6th August 2018.

“Not a single witness has ever been presented by the Prosecution against the Applicant.

“There is no scintilla of evidence against the Applicant.

“The Applicant is constitutionally entitled to a speedy, fair and dignified trial, which has been compromised by the lengthy detention and failure to prosecute his case.

“It is just and equitable that the intended trial, which has failed to take off due to complete lack of evidence, be terminated.”

The attorney adds that, “justice should not only be done, but be seen to be done.”

Attempted Assassination of Rwandan in Ugandan prison

By admin

Meanwhile, Kandiho’s brother has withdrawn his testimony against illegally incarcerated Rwandans

By Jackson Mutabazi

CMI chief Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho.

A Rwandan that has been illegally incarcerated for a year in Uganda – following accusations of illegal weapons possession against him by the brother of CMI chief Brig. Gen. Abel Kandiho – almost died in Kampala’s Luzira Prison last week after someone put ground bottle fragments in his food.

Betty Mutamba, the wife of Augustin Rutayisire – a businessman that worked both in Rwanda and Uganda – told Virunga Post: “I learnt of Augustin’s near death from his brother who visited him today at Luzira and telephoned me with the news afterwards. That was yesterday, 10 May 2019.

“His brother told me that luckily they took him to hospital before it was too late, and they washed him in the stomach,” Betty told this website, adding, “they also gave him medication, but the news is that he is very unwell!”

Rutayisire’s troubles – together with Emmanuel Rwamucyo a friend of his – started last year.

Betty says that the trouble started when Augustin boarded a 3 am bus to Uganda, on a business trip as he often did.

It turns out that when Rutayisire reached Mbarara, he decided to link up with his good friend Rwamucyo, a fellow Rwandan national, who has businesses in Mbarara and Isingiro. According to Rwamucyo’s relatives, he had asked Rutayisire to accompany him to a bank branch in Mbarara where he intended to deposit money.

It was at the bank that, according to witnesses, a feared GISO (Government Internal Security Officer) of the Ruborogota Isingiro area, Mukama Moses Kandiho – who happens to be the brother of Brig. Gen Abel Kandiho – accosted the two Rwandans. The man immediately accused them of “involvement in a robbery plot” and told them they were under arrest.

The next thing they knew, Mukama Kandiho was talking on his phone. In a few moments, “a big vehicle arrived.” It was the vehicle of the UPDF Second Division Counter-intelligence Officer Maj. Mushambo. The officer had come with some soldiers who went about, making a show of searching Rwamucyo’s car.

In a few moments they were back, with a gun saying they had found it in Rwamucyo’s car. Kandiho’s brother had at first accused them of “involvement in a robbery plot”. In a short while the statement would change to “illegal possession of firearms and ammunition”.

Back in Kigali, Betty, unaware what was going on, called her husband, “as people normally do”, to find out if her husband had arrived safely. But when she called, Betty says, he only told her, “wait a bit I will call; I am with people!” She says that there was “something in his voice that alarmed me a bit.”

She says she waited for him to call, but he did not. She says she called again around midnight. This time he answered. She asked him whether he had arrived well. He said he had. But Betty thought there was something very strange going on.

“I could hear that he was talking from a very quiet place, which is very unusual with Kampala. He seemed to be walking because I could hear footsteps. Betty says she asked her husband: “where are you!”

He only said, “I am going to where I will spend the night!” That really alarmed her because that’s not the way her husband, “a talkative, cheerful person”, talks. From that moment he did not answer the phone again, she told this website.

“I would call until the phone stopped ringing. It was like that; the month ended; weeks came and went and he never answered. He had two lines – a Rwandan and Ugandan one – and he answered none of them.”

Augustine Rutayisire was incommunicado to his wife, and to all his relatives. Their three children, the oldest of whom looks around 11, have also been asking, “Mummy, where is Daddy?” Betty says she became like a traumatized person, not knowing what was going on.

By the third week her husband’s Rwandan line went dead. But the Ugandan one remained on. By the fourth week even that was off air. Around then Betty decided to go to the Ugandan capital. Family members were pleading with her not to go.

“If you go and you too suffer the same fate, it will be terrible! Also think of what will happen to the children!”

But she was resolute; she had to go. She boarded a bus and, luckily she arrived safely and went to the house of an aunt of Augustin’s. “We planned to go to police stations first,” she says. Another plan was to go to MTN, to see if the company could trace for them where his Ugandan number went dead from.

“We tried all places,” she says, “but with no luck.” They also went to the business premises at Kitintale where her husband, a wine dealer, usually did business. No one knew anything, although they said they had heard Augustin had disappeared.

After a week in Uganda, she came back to Rwanda in despair. She was bereft of ideas. But she couldn’t settle. After a time she went back to Kampala to try some more for any leads about her husband’s whereabouts.

It was around that time, she says, that someone mysteriously telephoned her. “He told me his name and said: ‘I know about your husband, he is imprisoned at Makindye Barracks in Kampala; he is imprisoned with my brother!’” This person was a brother of Rwamucyo.

They had a lengthy phone talk and Betty began to learn more about what had happened. She learnt Augustin was arrested in Mbarara, with his friend. “That must have been where I first talked to him – the night after he left Kigali – and he seemed in such a quiet place!”

She also learnt that when the UPDF men arrested the two, they first took them to Makenke Barracks in Mbarara where “they were badly beaten and tortured!” From Mbarara they would be transferred to CMI detention in Mbuya Barracks, and from there to Luzira.

Betty says that after the call from Rwamucyo’s brother she quickly boarded a bus to Uganda. “We went straight to Makindye, but the authorities completely refused to let us see our people,” she narrates. “We went to the Rwandan Embassy in Kampala and they wrote a letter that they gave us, which we took to the (Ugandan) Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”

There, officials too wrote them a letter and sent them on to the Ministry of Defense. At Defense they in turn sent them to CMI. Betty says that at CMI there was one soldier who told them, “Your husband is soon going to court; you can go there and wait for them!”

The court the man was talking about is the Military Court Martial. That by itself is a serious abuse of the rights of Rutayisire and Rwamucyo, according to the Ugandan constitution. The law is the same in most places of the world.

“You cannot try civilians in military court, so this case already is null and void, and our clients should be freed immediately!” Lawyers for the two men said in March this year. Betty says the first time she saw her husband after his detention was in September last year.

She says Augustin and his friend were in such a bad condition that she burst into tears. When she talked to him and asked him why they had arrested him, he said the first thing they told him was that “they knew he had come to collect a large sum of dollars belonging to a fellow Rwandan businessman”!

The UPDF men, together with Kandiho’s brother Mukama ordered the Rwandan nationals to go show them the money!

In the meantime Mushambo and Kandiho had already relieved Rwamucyo of his money – equivalent to 40 million Rwandan francs – which he had brought to deposit on his account.

Analysts comment that Uganda’s highly criminalized security services have – ever since Museveni began his unprovoked policy of hostility to Rwanda and Rwandan nationals – exploited the situation to target totally innocent Rwandans. They make many fake charges, espionage! Illegal entry!, against Rwandans while robbing them of their money or other property.

Rutayisire told his wife that the UPDF men badly beat them in Mbarara, telling them, “show us the money you have hidden!” But, other than Rwamucyo’s money, they had no other, they pleaded to their torturers.

It was then that the charges of illegal weapons possessions were brought against them, using the guns Mushambo’s men had planted in Rwamucyo’s car.

But then something completely unexpected happened at the last Court Martial session, which was on 16 April (last month). Mukama Moses Kandiho was in the court, and said that his testimony against the two men was incorrect!

“He said this thing in court, in full hearing of everyone!” said Betty. “Kandiho said clearly and loudly that the charges he had brought against Augustin and Rwamucyo were not true, and that he was withdrawing original statements!”

Betty is hopeful that her husband will be free soon. Their next appearance in court (martial) is scheduled for 21 this month.

Recruits of FDLR join training camps situated in the bushes of Kisoro, eyewitness

By admin

By Jackson Mutabazi

FDLR rebels pictured in DRC.
Recently it has come to light that the anti-Rwanda terror group has training bases in Uganda now.

An elderly Rwandan man that has just been released from a Ugandan prison has narrated how he learnt of FDLR rebel training camps in the bushes of Kisoro, southwestern Uganda.

Ntamukunzi Erasto, 68, a well-to-do farmer from Gasiza in Nyabihu District says he was abducted while on private business in Kisoro last month. Enduring a fate that so many Rwandans have suffered, Ugandan security agents that did not identify themselves abducted, and roughly hustled Ntamukunzi off to Kisoro’s police cells. They were accusing him of “spying for Rwanda”.

It was while he was in detention, he says, that he learnt of “FDLR activities in that part of Uganda.” FDLR, to those that may not know, is the anti-Rwanda rebel offshoot of the ex FAR and Interahamwe militias that were the vanguard perpetrators of the Genocide against the Tutsi.

Ntamukunzi narrates that it was last month, on Saturday, 20 when they abducted him as he was ‘just going about his own business’, he says. “I am an old man and I was wondering why they were doing such things to me,” said Ntamukunzi who looks sprightly despite his 68 years. “They were lifting me up by my trousers and accusing me of being a spy, but I told them I have never been one!

“They took me to the police ‘mabusu’, (custody) and I was there for the whole weekend, yet I had done nothing wrong! My travel pass was in order, and I also had my national identity card.”

While in the cells, on the evening of Sunday 21, Ntamukunzi says, a soldier of the UPDF, Uganda’s army, brought in two people. “One looked in his early thirties, and another one looked about 17.” Ntamukunzi narrates that in the “mabusu” there are some tough characters whose job is to manhandle, beat up, and harass new comers, taking away their money in case they have some.

They beat up the older guy, mostly, asking, “Where did you keep your money!”

The clobbered fellow replied, “The soldier took our money; we have no money at all!” After a few more hefty fisticuffs and kicks, the toughs stopped the “initiation ceremony” and asked the subdued, frightened new comers: “tell us then, why are you here?”

“We are here because we are going to join the FDLR army to fight Rwanda!” Ntamukunzi says when the man said that; it shocked him. He is one person that really hates war. He displays scars on his body that he says were inflicted during the war of insurgency in Northern Rwanda in the nineties.

FDLR rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo forests.

When the two new comers in the cell said they were on a mission to join FDLR it made Ntamukunzi sit up and listen harder. What is this FDLR that these people are talking about?, he asked himself.

One of the toughs asked the older fellow, “Tell us more about this FDLR!”

“It is based in the forests around here,” the newcomer replied.

One of the other detainees asked him, “Is that the FDLR that is always fighting Rwanda?”

“Yes!” replied the fellow. He added: “I was in FDLR before, but when it looked like it was disorganized and beaten up – by the Rwandan forces – I decided to cross over into Uganda to look for a livelihood. But I heard that Uganda has helped to re-organize them, and they are looking for recruits! I heard that there is someone in Mbarara who is recruiting people, and that’s where I met this boy!”

It has extensively been reported in local media that Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC has a “chief recruiter” in Mbarara, western Uganda, called Pastor Deo Nyirigira. This “pastor” has been implicated by Rwandans whom he attempted to recruit for RNC, only to refuse. The pastor’s son, Felix Mwizerwa, is a commander of the RNC in South Kivu, DRC.

In recent times it has come to light that RNC has merged with FDLR, at the instructions of President Museveni of Uganda. In December last year, FDLR bigwigs LaForge Fils Bazeye, its chief publicist, and Theophile Abega, its head of intelligence, were arrested by DRC authorities at Bunagana.

They confessed, under questioning, that they were coming from a meeting in Kampala coordinated by Uganda’s State Minister for Regional Affairs Philemon Mateke. Mateke had, at the instructions of Museveni, convened a meeting between leaders of FDLR and RNC, “to better coordinate their activities” in the fight against Rwanda, according to Bazeye and Abega.

Going by what the two detainees were saying in the Kisoro police cells, FDLR has very good support in Mbarara.

Ntamukunzi says that the younger guy – the one that looks seventeen – said that in Mbarara, each person that agrees to join FDLR is given 60,000 Ugandan shillings, and then sent on his way.

The two men disclosed that the FDLR recruiter in Mbarara that gave them money is the same one that put them on a bus to Kisoro. He instructed them that upon reaching Kisoro, they were to find a motorcycle taxi driver in town, then they would call him (recruiter) to talk to the motorcycle driver. They narrated that when their bus arrived in Kisoro, they did as instructed.

After the motorcyclist talked to the recruiter, the man in Mbarara told him: “take those two men to Kibugu, next to the bush. When they reach there, they will know where to go!”

The plan, the two fellows explained, was to reach that place – Kibugu, next to the bush – where they would be received by another person who would take them to the FDLR camp in the bushes.

But at Kibugu, an unexpected problem happened. When the older guy got the phone out again to talk to a liaison guy that was supposed to be nearby, it was only to discover that the battery was dead. They were in big trouble! They said they decided to ask around, inquiring, “if there is a military detachment nearby”.

Their hope was that they would find soldiers to guide them, since their liaison person was to be a UPDF soldier. They narrate that a villager took them to a UPDF detachment. But the soldier who met them there instead took them to the jail, after relieving them of their money. He however also took their phone, which, it transpired, he went to charge.

The two said they had told the UPDF officer what it was they were doing, but since he could not be immediately sure, he took them to the jail first. The soldier, after charging their phone and going through the contacts, it seems realized they were saying the truth. The soldier came back in the morning and called the two, “Come out; let’s go!”

As for Ntamukunzi, the Ugandan authorities took him to Kisoro Prison instead, on Monday 22, April.

While in Kisoro Prison, Ntamukunzi learnt even more details about FDLR’s presence in the bushes outside Kisoro. “After a few days in Kisoro Prison, I was walking around in the crowded compound when I heard commotion. Two young men were in prison because they had cut each other with knives, were quarreling and almost at each other’s throats.

When I asked someone what kind of money could make these guys almost kill each other, I was told, “don’t you know people are making money transporting food to FDLR fighters over to the other bush; that army that is going to attack Rwanda soon!?” His informant continued: “Men carry beans, maize, Irish potatoes, and cartons of Chief Waragi to FDLR camps, and UPDF pays them good money!”

Ntamukunzi says he knew there and then that he could no longer doubt that FDLR was in Uganda!

His informant continued: “Transporting things to the FDLR camp begins at sunset. That is when men put loads on their heads or shoulders and enter the bush, escorted by a soldier with a gun. After they have delivered their loads, the same soldier escorts them back to the depot – from where they got the foodstuffs or spirits – and pays them their money.

“That work pays good money!”

Ntamukunzi got out of his illegal detention in Uganda only last week.

More Rwanda National Congress training camps uncovered in Uganda

By admin

By Our Reporter

President Museveni and Terrorist Kayumba Nyamwasa.

Reliable sources have revealed to this website the presence of two RNC training camps in Garuga, Entebbe road, and in Kyangwari in Hoima.

The latest information with regards to these camps indicate that the one in Garuga, on Entebbe road, is concealed as a training ground for caracen security company owned by the powerful Gen. Salim Saleh, brother to the President of Uganda.

The one in Kyangwari is disguised as a Local Defense Force (LDU) training facility.

In early February this year it was revealed in the media in Uganda and Rwanda that the authorities in Uganda were providing training grounds to rebels of Kayumba Nyamwasa’s Rwanda National Congress (RNC). It was also reported that these large swathes of land were being made inaccessible to ordinary people on the basis that what was happening there were matters of national security.

Also in February this year, the saga involving efforts by the land commission to determine the ownership the 639 acres of land in Mutungo belongs to – and its purpose – was marred with fiascos (Apparently the land was initially acquired by Yoweri and Janet Museveni).

Upon visiting the site, the Army blocked Justice Catherine Bamugemereire, the land commission chairperson, from accessing the camp. Access to the piece of land is so sensitive that the soldiers guarding the place fired shots at Justice Bamugemereire when she tried to force her way on the land. They also threatened the police officers who has escorted her as part of her guard detail.

The Bamugereire Commission also summoned the Deputy Attorney General to provide answers as to how government acquired the land and why ESO was so secretive about the usage. The Deputy Attorney General appeared to the summon only to abuse the Lady Justice, telling her to “go hang” as he stormed out.

“Let them (land probe) go to the president; I don’t care!” All ‘these things’, the government knows what happened. Let them go to the president, or God!” blasted the Deputy General Rukutana. It was a clear indication that these camps are protected and coordinated by the highest office of the land, State House.

Locals, in all three areas, report striking similarities. In all instances, they report that these camps are sealed off from the public, guarded by heavily armed military personnel and suspicious activities such as tinted cars and lorries, nighttime singing. Trainees in all three camps are kept away from the public, not allowed to talk to anyone outside their camp.

In December 2018 the United Nations Group of Experts Report confirmed that Uganda was a hub of recruitment for the “P5” anti-Rwanda rebel consortium to which the RNC belongs and has Kayumba Nyamwasa as it’s overall commander.

Museveni was always looking for moles in Rwanda, say officers who worked with Kayumba Nyamwasa

By admin

By Patience Muvunyi

President Museveni and Terrorist Kayumba Nyamwasa.

Last week Uganda’s state newspaper New Vision interviewed Kayumba Nyamwasa in a clear effort to give the impression to the readers that this is a man of integrity and courage, who was able to stand up to the leadership of President Kagame in pursuit of a principled cause. For those who know Kayumba and read that interview, the only conclusion from it is that the opposite of the man has never been so vividly captured. Never in Kayumba’s life of almost 60 years has he ever pursued a cause greater than a personal ambition for status and glory.

Kayumba and the officer that recruited him into the force were assigned the rank of “private.” Incredibly, Kayumba was appointed the Assistant District Administrator for Gulu, in northern Uganda, where he leveraged his position and resources to buy the rank of Second Lieutenant. “In 1986 if you had money you could go to NRA headquarters and pay the records master or a senior officer there to buy a rank,” said another colleague who had joined the forces prior to Kayumba but had remained on the rank of private until 1990 when the majority of Banyarwanda who had helped to liberate Uganda decided to leave and start their own liberation war in Rwanda.

READ ALSO: Kayumba is a terrorist, not the democrat he wants the world to believe

Meanwhile, Gulu had been a special place for Kayumba. He had not only managed to amass riches from looting, such as the millet and sorghum processing machines that he took to Masaka, he also managed to get access to influential people who frequented the north due to the rebellion that was still challenging NRA authority. He got access to Salim Saleh and President Museveni during one of his visits to Gulu during the war, and got in touch with Fred Rwigema with whom he was initiated to the RPF struggle.

The instincts for looting remained with him. In 1990, the RPA captured Nyagatare in a battle that scattered many of its fighters. However, amidst the ensuing confusion, Kayumba managed to loot and repatriate cattle from residents of the Mutara area who were fleeing from the fighting, personally taking herds to his farm in Mpororo, according to officers who fought this battle.

Fast forward to 1994 after the RPF had captured power in Rwanda. Kayumba had become the deputy chief of staff of the police wing of the army, then called the gendarmerie, and soon rose to the position of army chief of staff. Museveni and Saleh looked to their Gulu friend as a soft spot for their agenda for Rwanda. In turn, Kayumba saw himself as someone linking the two countries, albeit as individual relations rather than cultivating inter-state relations. Yet gain, they became close personal friends so much so that by 1998 Kayumba was in regular contact with Museveni.

Since he was fond of bragging and appreciated being bragged about, he let it be known to another officer that he was in touch with Museveni. “So, one day I asked him, how does a chief of staff of a country talk directly with a head of state of another country?,” a source told this paper.

Whatever Museveni’s agenda for Rwanda – through Kayumba – was, he soon recruited then President Pasteur Bizumungu into it. In 1996 Museveni visited Rwanda. During his visit, he took a ride with President Bizimungu to then National University of Rwanda in Huye (then Butare) where they had gone ostensibly to engage the students there.

However, it was soon discovered that during the four-hour ride – two hours to and fro – the two were engaged in a conspiratorial discussion against the then vice president Paul Kagame. This began Bizimungu’s problems.

It was difficult to fathom that Museveni had successfully recruited moles in the status of Rwanda’s president and chief of staff. In 1998 a process began to exert some form on control on Bizimungu, including the decision by the party to separate the position of national president and party president.

Selfishly abandoning war

In 2000 Rwanda was engulfed by the war of insurgency in the north and northwest of the county. Almost 10,000 insurgents of the defeated army had infiltrated and threatened to take back the country in order to complete the genocide.

As the war heated up, the chief of staff selfishly decided that it was the opportune time to go for further studies in the U.K. Everything happened in a fishy manner, according to a source in the military.

What was on the agenda soon became clear. While in the U.K. Kayumba was always frequenting Paris where he would meet with the French intelligence and officials from Uganda. These officials would also make visits to him in the UK.

This connivance never came to an end. In 2007 Patrick Karegeya – with whom they later co-founded the RNC – fled the country through Uganda where he was received at the border crossing, and was facilitated to relocate to South Africa. While in South Africa, he received a secret visitor from the embassy of Rwanda in India: it was Kayumba Nyamwasa.

Word of the secret visit got to Kigali. Once in Kigali, Kayumba knew that the authorities were aware of his visit to Karegeya and that the offence carried heavy repercussions. “That’s why he decided to flee,” according to a source with knowledge of the situation.

Museveni clearly wished to use Kayumba from within. However, once that plan was exposed, he planned to evacuate him in order to maintain the agenda from outside the country. “Kayumba got exposed and Museveni evacuated his mole,” said the source, pointing to Kayumba’s reception by Ugandan senior military officers Salim Saleh and Kale Kayihura who were waiting for him the moment he crossed the border to Ugandan soil. “What they are doing now in New Vision is an old story.”

Source: The New Times

Link: Museveni was always looking for moles in Rwanda, say officers who worked with Kayumba Nyamwasa

Kampala’s propagandists better stick to bankrupt Ugandan projects, analysts

By admin

By Alex Muhumuza

Command1post, one of the dozens of propaganda outlets of the Museveni regime – whose single target for their misinformation warfare is Kigali – purports to quote the Auditor General of Rwanda as it makes claims that a high end housing estate in Kigali is “bankrupt”.

The website, an organ of Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), is using an earlier blog of David Himbara to allege that Vision City is “insolvent”. Himbara’s main job – even as he pretends he is a professor at some obscure university in Canada – is to run the misinformation and propaganda component of fugitive Kayumba Nyamwasa’s RNC, a group bent on destabilizing, or bringing conflict back to Rwanda.

Together with its tight ally, the Museveni regime, RNC propaganda will publish or broadcast every falsehood and outright lie possible with the goal to cast Rwanda in the worst light possible. Their smears target every achievement for which Rwanda is lauded internationally, to portray it as a failure.

In language that is like that of juvenile delinquents, Command1post of 4 May 2019 published the following headline: “Rwanda Auditor General: Kagame’s Vision City Project Fell like Breasts.” It claims that the Rwandan Government Auditor’s report revealed the housing development had become a nightmare. How?

Command1post said houses were “selling below cost”, and that there was “low uptake of the houses”, and that there were “cost overruns”. It continues that “there are very few buyers”, “due to low incomes in Rwanda”, and so, “the houses are being marketed cheaply”, “to make them affordable”. That is the gist of the piece.

It goes on to quote some figures it purports to have gotten from the Auditor’s report, Himbara style, to hoodwink people that they have done “serious research”. Along the way, they throw in the usual dozens of gratuitous insults against the leadership of Rwanda, and distortions of facts like the claim “Vision City is Kagame’s project”, when it in fact it is RSSB’s and was approved by its board.

Some observers were left shaking their heads in disbelief at the shamelessness of the people that run Kampala, and by extension RNC, propaganda.

“I mean, the Government of Uganda practically is run by thieves whose looting and mismanagement know no bounds!” said a Kigali-based scribe. “The thieves in Kampala have bankrupted everything, from Uganda Commercial Bank, Kilembe Mines, Coffee Marketing Board, Uganda Airlines…everything!”

They have bankrupted more things than you can put in a ream of papers, but they look at a housing project in Rwanda, which has been built to completion, and which is well maintained, and they claim that is a ‘failure’! Uganda under Museveni really is comedy gold,” concluded the analyst.

The facts the Rwandan Government’s auditor revealed are that much as there could be a delay in recouping the investments on Vision, the project was not a loss. “Far from it!” It takes time for investments of the size of Vision City to recoup the monies invested in them, but what is strange about that?, asked a Kigali financier. That is how these things tend to happen all over the world.

The analyst added: “the important thing is that the houses are standing in the first place. They are there. They are owned by an institutional investor, one that works for the social good of the citizens of Rwanda. Any claims that Vision City is ‘a failure’ are thoroughly ridiculous!”

Twisting the words of the Auditor General of Rwanda to serve the propaganda purposes of the Museveni government and its RNC friends is laughable, claimed other knowledgeable Rwandans. What the state auditor was doing was being accountable to the Rwandan public. He was showing how public money is used, and explaining issues in an open way, “so it is really funny how some are trying to twist that to turn it into something else.”

Meanwhile Museveni’s propagandists or their RNC friends cannot tell Ugandans what, for instance, happened to the 450 billion shillings that disappeared in the regime’s “job creation schemes” run by First Brother Salim Saleh. Yet that’s only a tiny tip of the iceberg of outright looting, corruption and bankrupting of Uganda by Museveni, his brother, and the clique around them, many realized long ago.

Museveni Gags Independent Media; Gives Free Reign To RNC

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By KT Press Reporter

Kayumba Nyamwasa is the latest to appear in Uganda Government-run paper The New Vision.

On Saturday, 4 May 2019, the Uganda Government paper The New Vision published a long front-page Q & A piece, “Nyamwasa: Why I fell out with Kagame.” Kayumba Nyamwasa is the South Africa-based convicted fugitive leader of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC). Tribert Rujugiro, the RNC financier with tobacco business interests in Uganda, has also appeared in similar puff-piece interviews in the Uganda media. So has David Himbara, Rujugiro’s Canada-based publicist and Leah Karegeya, an RNC official and widow of Patrick Karegeya, RNC co-founder, along with Nyamwasa. As Museveni tightens his stranglehold on the Ugandan media, threatening to incarcerate journalists, space increasingly being denied real journalists is filled with RNC promotional material, whose aim is to get Ugandans to support the Museveni-RNC Rwanda destabilisation project.

A reader of those interviews will note an interesting pattern. The RNC officials’ disdain for President Kagame on whom they heap all kinds of abuse is in stark contrast to their adulatory praise of President Museveni, who they see as saviour who will take them to the Promised Land. After reading all these puff-pieces, one gets the inescapable impression the RNC has become the official NRM mouthpiece, especially at a time when Museveni has a diminishing number of people within the country willing to speak up on his behalf given his excesses and scandals that continuously come to light.

These RNC Museveni-panegyrics paint him as the deserving regional Godfather. Just last month in their pretentious piece on her, Leah Karegeya touchingly told The New Vision: “President Museveni is highly respected in the region and many Rwandans, including myself, perceive him as a father.”

As a supposed Godfather for all, everyone is supposed to be grateful and pay tribute to Museveni. According to Leah again, “He (President Kagame) does not remember the support President Yoweri Museveni gave to Rwandans!”

Nyamwasa too speaks of the “sacrifices” that Museveni made in support of the RPF war that President Kagame has failed to recognise. “If Uganda was supporting me, they would not be in power. They know very well what happened when Uganda supported them although they deny it.”

Moreover, no one is supposed to remind Museveni about the things that President Kagame and fellow Rwandans have done for him. These include carrying a disproportionate weight, extending to heavy loss of life in battle of many young Rwandans to put him in power.

This mutual overhyping of RNC bigwigs by Museveni’s media and of Museveni by RNC officials is fascinating. Kayumba, for instance, ignores the fact that Museveni has hit a political dead-end at home and is reduced to assassinating anyone he perceives as a threat to his increasingly shaky hold on power and his plan to eventually engineer his succession by his son. All indications suggest Museveni is unable to save himself from this impasse, which explains his treatment of opponents like MP Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, more popularly known as Bobi Wine, and Colonel (rtd) Kiiza Besigye, for instance.

Yet, ignoring the political dead-end in which Museveni himself now finds himself, Nyamwasa and his RNC colleagues solicit – in fact know they can count on their Godfather – Museveni’s support in “solving the Rwandan political impasse!” Whatever that means!

What kind of support does Kayumba and his RNC need in order to admit that Museveni is indeed the Godfather who is helping them? Along with Museveni they orchestrated his and Karegeya’s flights from Rwanda. Museveni’s young brother Salim Saleh and Kale Kayihura picked up Kayumba after he had crossed the Rwanda-Uganda border. Museveni then facilitated his relocation to South Africa.

Three years and nine months earlier, in November 2007, Karegeya had fled Rwanda in a similar fashion through the porous border around Rwempasha. Waiting for him across in Uganda was Colonel (now Major General) Leopold Kyanda, at the time the head of Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI). Kyanda transported Karegeya to Rubare and then on to Mbarara, where he kept him under-cover for a few days fearing the public relations fallout were it discovered that such a high-profile fugitive was in Kampala during the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. Soon after – again with Museveni’s support – Karegeya was similarly relocated to South Africa.

On 25 February 2010, Kayumba Nyamwasa (who was for a long time in constant contact with Saleh while in Rwanda Government service at home and abroad) followed in Karegeya’s steps, fleeing to Uganda via the two countries’ porous border and proceeding towards Kampala. Two Land Cruiser jeeps with red Uganda Government number plates met him in Masaka from the direction of Kampala. Inside one of those vehicles was General Salim Saleh, Museveni’s younger brother, who had come to pick up Kayumba; the two drove off together towards Kampala.

After meeting with Museveni’s senior security officials, including Saleh, Kayumba was driven to the Busia border with Kenya from where he later connected to South Africa.

Surely, this shows support for fugitives. Moreover, the 31 December 2018 UN Group of Experts Report also confirms that Uganda is a key hub of a network that recruits for the P5 coalition of rebel forces led by Kayumba Nyamwas. In addition to Kayumba’s own RNC, this coalition of negative forces includes AMAHORO-PC, FDU-INKINGI, PDP-IMANZI, and PS-IMBERAKURI. Indeed, Museveni himself admitted in a March 2018 press conference at Entebbe that his security forces have been facilitating the recruitment of RNC rebels, “A group of Banyarwanda was being recruited through Tanzania and Burundi to go to Congo. They said they were going for church work, but when they were interrogated it was found the work wasn’t exactly religious. It was something else,” Museveni told journalists.

Further, Museveni also admitted that he had met Charlotte Mukankusi, the RNC envoy for diplomacy, at State House. She had asked him to support the RNC in their “resistance” against Rwanda, according to Museveni’s open letter, ostensibly addressed to President Kagame but leaked to the media this March. His response to her request, “We are together,” as he gave her advise to reinforce links and coordination with the FDLR to destroy Rwanda’s infrastracutre: army, security, and government.

In the same letter Museveni admitted to have “accidentaly” met another RNC official Eugene Gasana, a former diplomat of Rwanda in NY. He also admitted to meeting the group’s financier Tribert Rujugiro.

Museveni wrote to Kagame that RNC “wanted us to support them to resist your excellency.” While he claims to have responded in the negative, the contrary is true. His support has been in the form of providing passports to ease their travels on the RNC’s anti-Rwanda work; it includes giving them access to meet him, which lends them diplomatic support; and involves letting them establish businesses in Uganda that they use to generate the means to finance anti-Rwanda activities. This support has now extended to mobilizing Ugandans to come on board in support of the RNC. So, what other support does Kayumba need in order to establish that Museveni is deeply supportive of their agenda?

Interestingly, Museveni knows that Kayumba cannot achieve anything beyond using him as a propaganda tool against Rwanda. Whether Museveni continues to support him or he eventually comes to his senses and abandons to carry his own cross, all Kayumba is capable of achieving is terrorism for which he, like others before him, will be arrested and handed over to face justice.

Uganda is acting as if it has no dissidents to which Rwanda could provide similar support. Moreover, Museveni is fond of portraying Kagame as politically intolerant. Yet, he too has plenty of dissidents abroad – Col. Samsom Mande and others – that “political disagree” with whom that Rwanda could equally provide a platform in their quest to unseat him.

Kayumba, whom Museveni’s media is puffing up, has been indicted on terrorism charges related to the setting off of grenades in crowded markets and bus and taxi stops and parks in Kigali that killed and maimed many innocent Rwandans. Therefore, to understand the implications of this Uganda media campaign Museveni is orchastrating, imagine Rwanda giving broadcasting space to the head of the ADF!

What’s clear is that we have come to a paradoxic point. Even as Museveni gags his media on internal Ugandan developments that put his failures into stark relief, he is giving more and more space in the same media in praise of a terrorist outfit.

Source: KT PRESS

Link: Museveni Gags Independent Media; Gives Free Reign To RNC

‘Museveni no different from Bashir’, Dr. Magimbi

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By Grace Kamugisha

Bashir (L) and Museveni.

Veteran Ugandan politician Dr. Athanasios Magimbi who also is a practicing medic – an anesthesiologist in the US state of California – contends that from the earliest days President Museveni betrayed the ideals for which many Ugandans fought. Currently the leader of the Uganda Democratic Federation, the 62-year old Magimbi first joined Yusuf Lule’s Uganda Freedom Fighters (UFF), to fight for a better Uganda.

As part of Lule’s group, he said they joined hands with the National Patriotic Front to form the National Resistance Movement.

The New Times’ Grace Kamugisha recently had a phone interview with the veteran politician and below are the excerpts.

What led to your falling out with President Museveni?

I consider myself a founding member of NRM by virtue of my frontline role in the UFF. But the NRM – the direction it was drawn into from the start by its leader Museveni – never was a truly national party that would bring about a proper democratic dispensation.

It was too much dictated by the ideas of a single megalomaniacal individual! I wasn’t convinced such a party would implement the required political philosophy to move Uganda in the direction we had been struggling for.

Museveni’s leadership style was an absolute betrayal of the principles for which we fought! He initially looked good; like he was guided by the right principles.

But from a very early stage he was corrupted by power! That’s what informed my decision to continue working for a truly genuine democratic dispensation.

Most leaders elsewhere talk of modernizing their countries’ economies; of harnessing the energies unleashed by an interconnected, globalized world to leap into the Twenty First Century. Museveni is still talking about fighting Idi Amin and Obote. Where can this take the young?

Nowhere! The young in Uganda today are very restless. We are dealing with globalization where you have powerful social media where ideas are instantaneously exchanged and people can easily see what’s going on in other parts of the world.

Uganda’s young realize how miserable their lives are; how there is such little hope for them under Museveni.

Uganda is sitting on a time bomb when the youth unemployment rate is running into 80 percent. That’s absolutely unsustainable. It’s not a question of if that will lead to an implosion; it is a question of when!

Museveni has ruled only a few years more than Bashir. Just as in Sudan, Uganda’s youths have been clamoring for change. Their main grievances – as often quoted in media – is a 33 year government defined by wholesale theft, graft or misuse of public funds that, if used properly would create jobs for them, or alleviate difficulties they face in many other ways. Is it far fetched to think Uganda’s youths could take similar actions as Sudanese counterparts?

They will! With new technologies; with powerful social media worldwide, with what you may call the universalization of norms, people will realize that change has to be brought about by their participation.

They cannot be spectators. They cannot sit on the sidelines and wait for somebody to come and liberate them. I believe people have been shown the way by events in Sudan. I believe with all my heart that the Sudan moment will come to Uganda, definitely!

President Museveni is already lifting presidential age limits; what does this mean for the country?

I don’t think Mubarak in Egypt (who thought he would rule to the grave) foresaw what was coming. Neither Bouteflika in Algeria.

Mugabe never thought he would be in a position he is now. Those are Museveni’s direct examples. He can do all the preparations he wants. He can lift age limits…he can do whatever he wants.

Point is, something is going to give. You can’t have levels of Museveni government corruption, embezzlement, and every practice of poor governance indefinitely!

He can be repressive and beat up MPs and so on. But the suffering of the people; what the majority are going through now, is so much that there is a limit to how far he can go.

Let’s talk a little bit more about the mismanagement of funds, or poor governance you talk of. What hope is there for Uganda?

Corruption is not a disease only of Uganda. But it can be dealt with if a leadership has the will to. But in Uganda that will is completely lacking! Uganda is simply lost!

We missed the boat (to implement good governance practices) from the earliest years of this government. Now corruption is the glue that holds the Museveni regime together.

But the situation totally is unsustainable. A regime that could allow the war in the north – with all the enormous suffering of the people there – to indefinitely go on, because Museveni and NRM were milking millions of dollars from it, claiming they were fighting terrorism!?

A regime where to even get the simplest service – getting an ID – requires a bribe? Even getting an aspirin requires a bribe? Such a system will collapse under its weight.

Let’s take a look at some of President Museveni’s actions in the region. In Kenya reports were that he was trying to forcefully take Migingo Island. In DR Congo, the country reported looting and plunder of its resources by Museveni and his brother (Congo reported them to the International Court, which fined Uganda US$ 10 billion). In South Sudan sections of the population are unhappy with the Ugandan leader’s constant meddling into their affairs. He also is openly consorting with rebels sworn to destabilize Rwanda. Is this a leader that wants peace with neighbors?

Museveni has this completely megalomaniacal character! He thinks he is unique. He fancies himself ruler of the region! He has caused problems for neighbors all the time, so he is not a good neighbor at all!

When it comes to relations with Rwanda we’ve seen interference with export routes for Rwanda. We’ve seen attempts to limit the movement of goods of another country, or the movement of its people. It is completely unacceptable, and in addition it is against international norms.

Also, Museveni seems to assume that there is something Rwanda owes him – which is completely wrong!

He forgets that Rwanda is a sovereign nation and on the basis of past relations with its leaders, he thinks he can dictate to a sovereign nation. Totally wrong in my view!

Source: The New Times

Link:‘Museveni no different from Bashir’, Dr. Magimbi

Kampala media again jump on a false narrative to hoodwink their readers

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By Jackson Mutabazi

Uganda’s propaganda organs are going into overdrive trying to spin an anti-smuggling incident that happened at a border area between Rwanda and Uganda, falsely alleging that, “Rwandan soldiers shot into Uganda”.

In the same style as the usual easily debunked Museveni regime propaganda, Kampala’s misinformation outlets are publishing things they cannot prove with facts. ChimpReports website was the first with an article published on 3 May 2019, titled in alarmist style: “Exclusive: Rwandan Security Forces Shoot Rwandan Inside Ugandan Territory.”

In an opening paragraph that was even more alarmist than the title, ChimpReports claimed that “the tension between Uganda and Rwanda rapidly escalated Thursday night after Rwandan security forces reportedly opened fire at a Rwandan man who had just escaped into Ugandan territory.” The propagandist article claimed Rwanda Police shot the man, Ndahimana Innocent, “because he was crossing into Uganda”.

When we interviewed Rwandan authorities, they said Ndahimana in fact was part of a group of eight smugglers that were carrying sacks of beans through an illegal route into Uganda. When two members of Rwanda’s anti-smuggling police – and one local security member – apprehended the smugglers, the men agreed to put their loads on the ground.

“But when the smugglers saw that they outnumbered the policemen who had stopped them; and when they saw they were in civilian clothes and did not seem armed, they tried to forcefully grab their contraband and run away with it,” a Rwandan official told this website. “One of the smugglers actually tried to physically grapple with one of the policemen, Sergeant Maniragaba Janvier, trying to harm him!”

The official narrates that it was at that point – when Maniragaba was physically threatened – that he took out his concealed pistol and shot the smuggler. The incident happened in Rubaya Sector, well within Gicumbi District in Rwanda. “Even then, Sgt. Maniragaba shot the smuggler not to kill him, but to disable him as he was clearly intent on violence.

At the sight and sound of the firearm, all the eight smugglers sprinted away into Uganda as fast they could, including the one that had been shot, his arm bleeding.

This man that was shot within Rwanda, committing a crime, is the one they are parading in Ugandan media now saying that Rwanda shot a Rwandan in Uganda! exclaimed the Rwandan official, adding, “in fact Uganda should handover this fellow, who now is a fugitive, to Rwanda to stand trial for his crimes. But Kampala propaganda organs are very happy to twist facts to suit their CMI or regime paymasters, according to security analysts in Kigali.

Next on the Ugandan media bandwagon trying to turn the incident into something it wasn’t, was a website called trumpetnews. It too was peddling the same sensationalist claim that, “Rwandan forces had shot into Rwanda”. Trumpetnews was further pushing the false Kampala-originated narrative that, “Rwanda is dealing violently with its nationals that try to cross into Uganda.”

From the first day in March when Rwanda strongly warned her citizens against crossing to Uganda, Kampala misinformation organs have been peddling the falsehood that Rwanda is, “forcefully preventing” Rwandans from going to Uganda.

The aim of Kigali’s warning to its citizens was to protect them against harassment by Ugandan security forces, mainly Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), militarized Uganda Immigration agents and others that have been illegally arresting, abducting, imprisoning, and torturing Rwandans on Ugandan soil. Articulating the warning’s reasons on his official Twitter account, Foreign Minister Richard Sezibera said hundreds of Rwandans were incarcerated in Uganda incommunicado, without being produced in court, and without being allowed consular visits.

This act by a government to protect its nationals from falling into the hands of dangerous and hostile Ugandan security agencies has apparently produced a lot of bitterness in Uganda’s rulers. “It is as if the Ugandan regime thought it has a God-given right to violently imprison and torture Rwandans; but when Rwanda takes measures to protect her people, it is an offence to the Museveni regime,” said Mwene Kalinda, a prominent Twitter account in Rwanda.

Other observers say that Rwanda’s warning to its citizens has exposed the criminality of Ugandan security agencies, “so Kampala is constantly coming up with fictitious tales to smear Rwandan security forces as the ones that are criminal.”

Last month on 18 April 2019, ChimpReports published a story alleging Rwandan troops had crossed into Kisoro, southwestern Uganda, “looking for food and drinks.” When challenged to produce proof, the website’s owners said they would show it. They never did, despite repeated challenges to do so, from many on social media.

Yet even allegedly “professional” newspapers like Daily Monitor are piling on whenever there is a false claim against Rwanda, and Monitor too has published the same allegation that “Rwanda police shot a Rwandan that had crossed into Uganda”, basing only on what the gunshot man told them as he was lying in a clinic at Katuna.

“In fact the smuggler was lucky that the Sgt. Maniragaba acted professionally and did not shoot to kill, but the Ugandans do not care for the truth,” said a Rwandan official we quoted for this story that preferred not to be named.

Others wondered why Ugandans have to buy beans smuggled from Rwanda, instead of buying those through recognized border crossings. “There are six official border crossings from Cyanika to Kagitumba, why not use them to buy things lawfully?” wondered a Rwandan border official.

“People can freely cross into, and leave Rwanda legally, why do things illegally?” he said.

The meaning of Museveni’s current crackdown on Ugandan media

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By Rutore Samugabo

Media analysts in Uganda have described as “berserk” the current draconian attacks on the profession by the Museveni regime.

The ongoing campaign of harassment of the Ugandan media by the regime began on the 30th of April. That’s when the Uganda Communications Commission, UCC, issued a letter to the Managing Director of NBS TV.

“The Commission has noted with concern that the nature of content aired on NBS Television, particularly during live programs, breaking news, and main news bulletins does not comply with the minimum broadcasting standards,” said the letter, which was signed by Godfrey Mutabazi the Executive Director of UCC.

Mutabazi went on to outline a string of accusations against the popular TV station, which among other things included, “misrepresentation of information, facts, views and events ‘in a manner likely to cause public alarm’”. Mutabazi further charged that NBS was, “airing extremist or anarchic messages, including ‘incitement of violence for political purposes.’”

The letter went on: “The (NBS) programs are presented in a manner that’s ‘unbalanced’, ‘sensational’, and ‘often give undue prominence to certain individuals, and/or groups of people.” It then goes on to issue what amounts to threats that if in three days NBS does not immediately suspend three of its senior staff – the Producer, Head of News and Head of Programmes – UCC would ‘sanction NBS’.

“It does not take a rocket scientist to understand what that means; it means closing NBS,” said a veteran Kampala journalist that for his safety preferred not to be named. Observers immediately dismissed UCC’s accusations as elaborate and false concoctions whose real aim is to justify shutting down the popular TV.

“Its only crime is to air live Ugandan security forces’ constant harassment, arrests, beatings, tear-gassing and other human rights abuses against opposition leaders like Bobi Wine, Kizza Besigye and their supporters, nothing else,” concluded the journalist.

Museveni’s attacks on the press in the past few years have included shutting down and imprisoning, wholesale, the editorial teams of newspapers whose content has angered, or embarrassed him. That is what happened when Red Pepper, a popular Kampala daily carried the cover headline, “M7 Plotting to overthrow Kagame – Rwanda.”

The state promptly threw all Red Pepper’s senior staff – from the owner and chief editor, down to the copy editor – into Luzira Prison. “It was obvious that Museveni was muzzling the press for reporting facts. Furthermore, subsequent events have proved Red Pepper’s reporting on Museveni’s machinations to be accurate,” remarked a jaded Kampala analyst.

“We really do not know where people get this absolutely false impression that there is ‘freedom of information in Uganda! Museveni quite possibly is one of the worst enemies of media and free speech rights in Africa and beyond,” added the analyst.

Such assessments are borne out by the Ugandan state’s physical violence against journalists, such as was the case with James Akena, a Reuters photographer, last year. The police savagely set upon him with sticks and clobbered him unconscious, because he was photographing protests against the incarceration and torture of Members of Parliament and opposition leaders.

“Let no one ever deceive you that Museveni has ever been for a free media; his “friendliness” to free speech is situational, and subject to his whims, or is dependent upon how he judges what may disadvantage him,” a university journalism lecturer remarked.

The current crackdown and muzzling of the press in Uganda is not confined to NBS. UCC has also ordered the immediate suspension of Salt TV News Editor Ritah Kamya, Producer Frank Rukidi, and Special Programs Director Charles Ssenkubuge. Also under the cosh is BBS TV, which has been ordered to suspend its news editor, producer and head of programming.

According to newspapers like The Observer, the hidden reason behind Museveni’s intensified war on the media is because of its coverage of pro-Bobi Wine – aka MP Robert Kyagulanyi – protests.

“Museveni is seriously scared of what Kyagulanyi stands for; which is that the Ugandan public is thoroughly fed up with him!” another veteran journalist remarked. “In his panic, he will crack down on the media in the most criminal way, to prevent coverage of that which he fears!”

In total UCC has ordered for the suspension of producers, heads of programming and heads of news at four TV stations: NBS, NTV, BBS, and Bukedde. Also affected are seven Radio Stations: Akaboozi, Beat, Capital, CBS, Pearl, Sapientia and Simba.

“Museveni has always been like that and no one should be surprised by actions like what we are seeing now,” said yet another media analyst that preferred not to be named. “In 1996 for example he was going bonkers every time he saw the crowds of (Paulo) Ssemwogerere! Now that he feels the foundations of his regime further crumbling, he is revealing himself once again.”

In Kigali people were astonished to see some Museveni minions, like Winnie Byanyima – whose position even as head of Oxfam has not stopped her from partisan attacks on Rwanda – claim that, “it is a crime in Rwanda to insult Kagame.”

Byanyima’s words, and similar by other pro-Museveni propagandists, were based on a deliberate distortion of anti-defamation laws recently upheld by a Rwandan court. President Kagame himself came out to articulate that he considered would be media insults against him to be civil, not criminal cases.

Really, it is beyond laughable to see these Museveni people ignore the real crimes their master is perpetrating on journalism in Uganda, several Twitter accounts observed.

How Swedish judge thwarted plot by Rwandan dissidents to subvert justice

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The court also upheld the life sentence against Rukeratabaro, 50, which is the highest sentence that can be handed to convicts in the Nordic country.

A group of Rwandan dissidents were recently left with a smack in the face, after a Swedish court chose to invalidate their testimonies in their continued effort to use the Genocide against the Tutsi for their political expedience.

The Svea Appeal Court sitting in the capital Stockholm on Monday upheld the conviction of Genocide convict Theodore Rukeratabaro, for masterminding the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Winteko Sector in Rusizi district.

The court also upheld the life sentence against Rukeratabaro, 50, which is the highest sentence that can be handed to convicts in the Nordic country.

Rukeratabaro fled to Sweden in 1998 and to avoid capture, altered his name to Tabaro.

He was later naturalised as a Swedish citizen in 2006, which is why the court decided that he should be tried there, instead of being extradited to Rwanda for trial.

Despite Rukeratabaro’s known role in masterminding killings in the former Cyangugu prefecture, the heartless individuals – in total disregard of the suffering of the Genocide survivors – testified before the appeal court to secure his acquittal in a bid to score a political point.

These individuals include David Himbara, Didas Gasana, Joseph Matata, Charlotte Mukankusi, Faustin Twagiramungu, Eugene Munyangoga, Sixbert Musangamfura, Noble Marara, Benoit Rugumaho and Nancy Combs, an American lawyer.

They had submitted to court seeking the acquittal of the Genocide convict by claiming that the witnesses who testified for prosecution were not valid, and were put under pressure by the Government of Rwanda to provide false testimonies.

To their dismay, the judge overruled their submission, and decided to uphold the ruling by the lower court – the Stockholm District Court.

The judge premised on the determination of the lower court, which had travelled to Rwanda during the trial on first instance, with different court officers including judges, prosecutors, defence lawyers and investigators among others.

What probably the petitioners did not know, was that the Swedish investigators and prosecutors came up with the list of witnesses and the judges interviewed them in the presence of both prosecution and defence.

The gimmicks of these dissidents were at the expense of genocide survivors, especially those in Winteko, who had waited for 25 years to see justice done, by bringing to book the former police officer – then called Gendermerie – who killed their loved ones.

Good enough, court saw through all this and justice prevailed.

SOURCE: The New Times

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